By Dan Prud’homme and Mark Cohen
The trade war between the US and China has escalated to a point far beyond the expectations of many. In what started as volleys of tariffs and a WTO complaint against China’s “forced” technology transfer policies, now involves expanded export controls, inbound investment restrictions, restrictions on labor mobility, an FBI task force on economic espionage from China, visa limitations, and an embargo (albeit a temporarily relaxed one at the time of writing this article) against Huawei, a leading Chinese telecom firm. The supply chain disruptions from the trade war are immense.1 And Western firms are increasingly fearful of regulatory reprisals in China.2 While reconfiguration of manufacturing supply chains involving China has been on the forefront of many managers’ responses to the trade dispute,3 currently available advice is sometimes ill-informed about how to best do so. Further, intellectual property (IP), innovation, and non-market strategies – some of which also involve reconfiguring supply chains, others which are distinct – are less discussed but critical for many firms to survive the tensions.
Attempts to redraw manufacturing supply chains so that companies’ goods will be classified as originating from a country other than China, and therefore avoid the latest round of Trump tariffs, are fraught with risks.
Reconfiguring manufacturing supply chains the right way
Attempts to redraw manufacturing supply chains so that companies’ goods will be classified as originating from a country other than China, and therefore avoid the latest round of Trump tariffs, are fraught with risks. In some cases, it may be possible to reduce US tariffs to zero if a firms’ goods undergo a sufficiently high level of manufacturing or other transformation in a country that enjoys duty-free treatment under a free trade agreement or other preferential arrangement with the US. However, in order for products to be eligible for US non-punitive “most favoured nation” tariffs, firms will usually need to perform a “substantial transformation” of their product components in a country outside of China and prove the country of origin of such transformation. Separate rules regarding the country of origin may also apply if the product is subject to antidumping or countervailing duties. Additionally, US export control laws have separate rules regarding incorporation of US technology into foreign-manufactured products.
Under long-standing case law, a product is “substantially transformed” if it obtains a new “name, character or use” in that third country. Generally speaking, mere assembly or packaging is not enough to achieve substantial transformation, and each country may have its own country of origin rules governing such transformation. In other words, if a company thinks it can install the last screw in an electronic device in Vietnam and thereby avoid US tariffs on Chinese goods, it is misguided. Much more substantial forms of manufacturing need to take place. If the country of origin is misrepresented to US Customs, US law provides for a range of penalties, including significant rewards to whistleblowers who report on fraudulent behaviour.
Intellectual property strategies
Restructuring IP transactions
IP rights are among the least expensive assets to reposition to reduce US duty rates owed to the trade war. This repositioning can be achieved in one of two ways.
First, firms may relocate their IP rights in a new country of manufacture. In certain cases, IP rights could help “transform” the manufactured goods sufficiently to qualify corresponding goods as originating from that country. Before undertaking any significant change of a supply chain, guidance should be obtained from US Customs.
Similarly, strategies for sourcing and integrating computer software, including that protected by IP rights, into products can alter the country of origin or US customs’ duty valuation of those products. For example, embedding software into computer memory in a device in a country outside of China may be sufficient to transform that device from a memory device into a product having a new “name, character or use”, such as a device to perform certain functions in a computer, and therefore able to avoid new US customs duties. In addition, if the software is not “sold” with the medium in which it is embedded rather the customer is only granted a right to use the software, the value of the software may not be factored into the US customs’ duty valuation of the product.
If relocating IP rights and production outside of China is not feasible, a second strategy is to restructure payments for IP rights to reduce the customs valuation of the goods when imported into the US. Companies that import goods from unrelated parties in China usually pay duties based on the “transaction value” or price actually paid for the imported goods. This transaction value can be adjusted to account for the licensing fees and royalties from the IP rights that the manufacturer of the products needs to pay, which is called a Customs “assist.”
One way to reduce the amount of “assists” is to pay license fees directly to third party licensors rather than have the manufacturer incorporate the license and royalty fees into the costs of goods sold to an importer.4 Importers can obtain guidance from Customs on valuation of their goods or contact their Customs broker for suggestions on additional strategies.
Based on current information, if a firm’s imported products originate from China and are on the 25% tariff list of the Trump Administration without any exclusion from relief, they will be subject to duties of 25% as will their corresponding royalties.5 As of September 1st 2019, an additional round of products is expected to be subject to 10% duties.6 Of course these duties may change.
Leveraging China’s improved IP regime
In 2019, a significant number of legal reforms – largely due to the trade war – were made to China’s IP regime that make it less risky for Western firms to license to China, collaborate with Chinese partners, and otherwise engage in IP-intensive operations in the country.7 However, these important reforms have received insufficient attention in multinationals’ strategizing for the Chinese market.
In March 2019, China’s Foreign Investment Law was revised to explicitly prohibit “forced technology transfer” (FTT) policies and establish penalties for government officials involved in misappropriating foreign trade secrets. Also in March 2019, the Chinese government abolished controversial provisions governing the import and export of technology as well as controversial technology-related provisions governing Sino-foreign equity joint ventures. In April 2019, the Administrative Licensing Law was revised to prohibit the state from making technology transfer a prerequisite for granting business licenses in China.
These reforms join a wide range of others in 2018 and 2019 that transform China’s IP regime into a less risky institution for Western firms. Foreign ownership restrictions were removed on new energy vehicle (NEV) operations in China as of 2018, reducing the significant risks caused by a 2017 FTT policy requiring transfer of three core technologies to foreign-Sino JVs as a precondition for foreign firms to produce NEVs in China. In January 2019, a long-awaited national-level specialised IP appellate tribunal was established in China’s Supreme People’s Court to provide greater uniformity in adjudication of technology-oriented IP disputes. This tribunal, which is similar to the US Court of Appeals for the Federal Circuit,8 joins recently established specialised IP courts in China that hear cross-regional appeals and therefore help correct local protectionist tendencies. In April 2019, both the trademark law and the law governing trade secret misappropriation and other types of unfair competition were strengthened. Numerous other improvements have recently been made to China’s IP regime.9
Unfortunately, improvements in China’s IP regime have ironically come at a time when supply chains are being disrupted and the US is making it more difficult to engage in technology collaboration with China. Nevertheless, Western firms should capitalize on the recent IP reforms in China – looking past many of the criticisms about China’s IP regime that initially fueled the trade war – with corporate-level-driven adjustments to their technology and IP management strategies. For example, foreign licensors can now more easily transfer their technologies to unrelated parties in China. US trade data reflects this change: unrelated party transactions now dominate US-origin technology transfer to China. More generally, the recent IP reforms in China make conducting IP-intensive operations and enforcing IP rights in China less risky for multinationals.
Some US firms and government officials have assumed that pushing for even more reforms to China’s IP regime will bring even greater benefits. Indeed, other reforms would be helpful to further reduce risks of innovating in China.10 However, paradoxically, further ratcheting up the current trade war in an effort to squeeze even more IP reforms from the Chinese government may lessen the willingness of the authorities to actually effectively implement the important reforms that have already been made. This would be a lost opportunity for Western firms.
Navigating technology export controls
Firms investing in the US will need to find smart ways to maintain business continuity in the face of a more powerful Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) and an expansion of US export controls, which can block mergers and acquisitions involving Chinese firms or technology transfers involving vaguely-defined “foundational”, “critical” or “emerging” technologies.11 There are also export restrictions aimed at Chinese firms and a recent ban (albeit one temporarily relaxed at the time of writing this article) on selling semiconductor chips and software to Huawei in particular.
Varied IP and R&D responses are needed to address these challenges. As export control laws generally do not cover publicly-disclosed documents such as published patents,12 firms should often still be able to license their US-derived patented technology to related or unrelated parties in China in the face of a more rigorous export control environment. Nonetheless, additional care may be necessary when licensing to Huawei and certain other companies placed on the US “entity list”, which can set restrictions potentially involving patents, such as participation in technical standards-setting bodies. At the same time, R&D-intensive US companies that patent in China and elsewhere may face additional challenges from US export controls if US-derived proprietary technology is involved. Companies will need to closely monitor changes in US and other countries’ export control regimes to see if their R&D programs will be subject to further regulation, if more liberal export control requirements are available for R&D activities conducted outside the US, and if company procedures for obtaining approval to file patents resulting from such R&D overseas need to be altered. Some firms, such as Oracle, have already had to significantly alter operations in China in light of some of these challenges.
Innovation strategies
From one perspective, Western firms and research organisations have seemingly benefited from the trade war effectively blocking innovative Chinese competitors out of the US market. However, despite these near-term advantages, Western firms must realize that Chinese innovation cannot be contained in the long-run. In fact, Chinese firms are already innovating in a range of industries and will become even more competitive in the future.13 For example, Tencent and Baidu are innovating in Internet business models, Haier is highly competitive in innovative consumer goods/white goods, DJI is engineering excellent drones, Huawei and Xiaomi are producing high-quality and affordable telecommunications equipment, Huawei is a leader in 5G standards setting, Alibaba is offering popular and inexpensive cloud data services, BYD is making competitive NEVs, BGI is advancing in genome sequencing, and Cloudwalk is developing advanced artificial intelligence facial recognition technology. Many of China’s innovative companies achieve startling growth targets by leveraging the rapid growth of the local market, incredible scalability and lightning-fast time-to-market, improving local IP protection, and government support and some local regulatory barriers against foreign competition.
Additionally, even if the trade war further fragments global markets, it will not prevent Chinese firms from being both domestically and internationally competitive.
Even in industries built upon decades of Western talent and research, where Western firms have sizeable experience curves and lead-time advantages, Chinese firms are making headway. For example, HiSilicion, owned by Huawei, is making competitive smartphone semiconductor chips, and Cambricon and Horizon Robotics are making competitive artificial intelligence (AI) chips. Further, despite the trade war, there will be considerable temptation for Western firms to collaborate with increasingly capable Chinese firms and research organisations to advance next-generation technologies that no one dominates at present – ranging from various applications of AI to new energy vehicles.
Additionally, even if the trade war further fragments global markets, it will not prevent Chinese firms from being both domestically and internationally competitive. Chinese firms will inevitably leverage their growing presence not just in China but in other emerging markets, which account for almost two-thirds of world economic growth and more than half of new consumption over the last fifteen years.14 And China’s Belt and Road Initiative (One Belt, One Road) might help secure these important sources of future demand.15
Western firms need to respond not by remaining technologically complacent behind the protectionist barriers established during the trade war. Instead, to compete in the long-run they must ramp up investment in R&D.
Further, the trade war has already emboldened a heighted sense of nationalism in the form of a feverish quest for technological “self-reliance” in China.16 This neo-techno-nationalism appears to be contributing to faster mobilisation of state and private resources that might enable Chinese firms to catch up to foreign counterparts in a range of industries, both emerging and more mature. Huawei, for example, is relying more extensively on its own CPU and modem for its cell phone sales in China and has recently launched its own operating system, named “Harmony”, for its cell phones.
Western firms need to respond not by remaining technologically complacent behind the protectionist barriers established during the trade war. Instead, to compete in the long-run they must ramp up investment in R&D, and trim down internal organisational barriers slowing time-to-market of new products and services, allowing quick and powerful responses to a more complex regulatory environment as well as to nimble, innovative, and increasingly global Chinese competitors.
Non-market strategies
Surprisingly restrained beforehand, official state propaganda and Chinese social media has turned uglier in 2019 as a result of the trade war. Anti-US pledges have arisen on the Internet and other Chinese media outlets to “fight” against US “bullying” by boycotting American products.17 Chinese outbound tourists, a massive source of revenue for some foreign firms, might increasingly focus their cash on “more welcoming nations” than the US.18 And the growing trend of skilled Chinese workers preferring to work for Chinese rather than foreign firms may very well quicken with the added incentive of increased US investigations into Chinese economic espionage. Although it is unclear if these burgeoning trends will be more serious in the future, to be safe, Western multinationals need to respond with smart non-market strategies.
European firms might capitalise on decreases of Chinese tourism to the US by ramping up marketing for European destinations.
Firms should engage directly with the US government and via US industry associations to ask for a more measured approach and resolution to the trade war. Some firms have already adopted this strategy: in May 2019, 173 Western firms together wrote to President Trump arguing that “It is time to bring this trade war to an end”.19
In the Chinese market, strategies should be adopted to present the best face possible to the Chinese government, suppliers, alliance partners, and household consumers. Western firms’ messaging, both via trade associations and on social media (e.g., Weibo and WeChat), may wish to strategically establish a measured distance from the US governments’ and some US firms’ more heavy-handed tactics. Corporate social responsibility (CSR) activities across China could also be ramped up in the instance that the trade war increases perceptions that Westerners at large are becoming aggressors towards China.
Surviving the trade war
While redrawing manufacturing supply chains has been on the forefront of many managers’ responses to the US-China trade tensions, effectively doing so is more complicated than many believe. Further, smart intellectual property, innovation, and non-market strategies are also critical to weathering the long-term battle that appears to be at hand. Some of these strategies may also be useful to firms facing other trade wars in the future – a probable prospect in an era of rising neo-populism and protectionism.20
About the Authors

Dan Prud’homme (EMLV Business School) is an associate professor at EMLV Business School in Paris, France. He is also a non-resident research associate at Duke University’s Kunshan, China campus. Previously, for a year after his doctoral studies, Dan was a visiting research fellow and a teaching fellow at University of Oxford (UK). Prior to joining academia, he worked in the private sector in Beijing and Shanghai, China. Dan’s research interests include intellectual property and innovation strategies, global strategy, and strategies focused on the Chinese market.
Mark Cohen (University of California, Berkeley) is a Chinese-speaking Intellectual property and commercial attorney with over 25 years experience in emerging markets. Former US government and US Embassy (Beijing) official, former Fulbright Professor (Republic of Slovenia). Extensive experience in management of patent porfolios, IP enforcement campaigns, government and media relations, international trade matters (including WTO issues), and public policy efforts, including antitrust advice. Educated thousands of leading Chinese public and private sector officials on IP matters, and have lectured before business and academic audiences throughout the world. I have also served as an expert witness on intellectual property matters involving Chinese companies.
References
1. AmCham China Member Survey, May 22nd 2019, available at https://www.amchamchina.org/about/press-center/amcham-statement/
2. US firms in China fear ‘retaliation’ against Huawei curbs: Am Cham, available at https://www.bbc.com/news/business-48361689, citing an interview with AmCham Chairman Tim Stratford
3. Maidment, P., 2018. How Western multinationals are responding to the escalating U.S.-China trade war. Harvard Business Review, available at https://hbr.org/2018/12/how-western-multinationals-are-responding-to-the-escalating-u-s-china-trade-war
4. It should be noted that, generally, trademarks are not added to the transaction value for assists.
5. For a list of the various tariff tranches see Section 301 Trade Remedies to be Assessed on Certain Products from China available at https://www.cbp.gov/trade/remedies/301-certain-products-china.
6. See https://twitter.com/realdonaldtrump/status/1156979446877962243
7. Cohen, M. 2019. Unpacking the Role of IP Legislation in the Trade War, available at https://chinaipr.com/2019/05/19/unpacking-the-role-of-ip-legislation-in-the -trade-war /; Prud’homme, D., von Zedtwitz, M., 2019. Managing “forced” technology transfer in emerging markets: The case of China. Journal of International Management; Prud’homme, D., Zhang, T., 2019. China’s Intellectual Property Regime for Innovation: Risks to Business and National Development. Springer; Prud’homme, D., 2019. Reform of China’s ‘forced’ technology transfer policies. University of Oxford Business Law Blog, available at https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/business-law-blog/blog/2019/07/reform-chinas-forced-technology-transfer-policies
8. Cohen, M, 2019, A Federal Circuit with Chinese Characteristics: The launch of China’s New National Appellate IP Court, see https://chinaipr.com/2019/01/04/a-federal-circuit-with-chinese-characteristics-the-launch-of-chinas-new-national-appellate-ip-court-%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E7%89%B9%E8%89%B2%E7%9A%84%E8%81%94%E9%82%A6%E5%B7%A1/
9. Prud’homme, D., Zhang, T., 2019. China’s Intellectual Property Regime for Innovation: Risks to Business and National Development. Springer.
10. Ibid
11. Bureau of Industry and Security, Review of Controls for Certain Emerging Technologies, 83 Fed. Reg. at 58202 (Nov. 19, 2018).
12. See Export Administration Regulations (EAR), Sec. 734.3(b)(3) , which provides that the following types of information are not “subject to the EAR,” regardless of their content: (i) “published” information; (ii) information that arises during, or results from, “fundamental research;” (iii) information released by instruction in academic institutions; (iv) information in patents and published patent applications; (v) information that is a non-proprietary system description; and (vi) certain types of telemetry. See also Sec. 734.10 on patents specifically.
13. Prud’homme, D., von Zedtwitz, M., 2018. The changing face of innovation in China. MIT Sloan Management Review, https://sloanreview.mit.edu/article/the-changing-face-of-innovation-in-china/; Greeven, M., Yip, G., Wei, W., 2019. Understanding China’s next wave of innovation. MIT Sloan Management Review, https://sloanreview.mit.edu/article/understanding-chinas-next-wave-of-innovation/
14 McKinsey Global Institute, 2018. Outperformers: High-growth emerging economies and the companies that propel them, available at https://www.mckinsey.com/~/media/mckinsey/featured%20insights/innovation/outperformers%20high%20growth%20emerging%20economies%20and%20the%20companies%20that%20propel%20them/mgi-outperformers-full-report-sep-2018.ashx
15. Scheve, K., Zhang, R., 2016. One belt one road: Chinese strategic investment in the 21st Century. Harvard Business Review Case Studies, available at https://hbr.org/product/one – belt – one – road – chinese – strategic – investment – in – the – 21st– century/P87 – PDF – ENG
16. China’s Xi Jinping revives Maoist call for ‘self-reliance’, 2018, https://www.ft.com/content/63430718-e3cb-11e8-a6e5-792428919cee
17. For example, see: Chinese media calls for ‘people’s war’ as US trade war heats up, 2019, https://edition.cnn.com/2019/05/14/asia/china-us-beijing-propaganda-intl/index.html; China’s propaganda machine takes aim at U.S. over trade war, 2019, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/14/world/asia/china-propaganda-trade.html; China’s latest weapon in the trade war: Karaoke, 2019, https://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-china-48359002
18. Trade war is putting Chinese tourists off US, with many opting for ‘more welcoming’ nations, 2019, available at https://www.scmp.com/tech/big-tech/article/3010145/ctrip – ceo – says – trade – war – putting – chinese – tourists – us – many – opting – more
19. FDRA Open Letter to President Trump, May 20th 2019, available at https://fdra.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/05/2019-Footwear-Tariff-Letter-1.pdf
20. Prud’homme, D., von Zedtwitz, M., Arreloa, F., 2019. Strategic responses to neo-populism. The European Business Review, available at https://www.europeanbusinessreview.com/strategic-responses-to-neo-populism/
Tokens of Technical Progress: Blockchains, Data Dysphoria & Fantasies of Control
By Dr Robert Herian
The discourse of data sovereignty (‘taking control’) at first blush implies empowerment of the data subject – Facebook’s Libra project explicitly uses this language and ideal in relation to their subscribers. However, as the author argues, ‘Taking control’ is only an illusion or, more precisely, a fantasy articulated through the notion of data sovereignty and constructed by neoliberal capitalism.
Cyberspace, as a shared dimension but unequal community, is in a moment of unease and alienation over the ways and means of data creation, dissemination and preservation, including methods of storage on- and offline. Communication and circulation of commercial and personal data increasingly occurs amid threats of intermeddling and exposure to varieties of fraud and exploitation. This unease is symptomatic of scandals involving the ‘psychological profiling’ of personal data in the course of supposed civic and democratic processes, and the growing uncanniness of digital social spaces. The company Cambridge Analytica, whose ‘data harvesting’ practices and psychographic analyses of user content from sources such as Facebook led to accusations of dubious interventions in and effects on the US Presidential elections and UK European Union Referendum1. Facebook’s Mark Zuckerberg’s subsequent tour of apology, confession and defiance in front of US government and European Commission representatives in early 2018 amid accusations that the company ‘weaponised’ personal data only served to add intrigue and consternation to the prevailing climate of unease2. Recently, the shortcomings of Facebook with regard to data privacy have undergone fresh scrutiny with the announcement that the social networking Titan plans to issue their own cryptocurrency, Libra3.
New data horizons
The fall-out from high-profile and rather salacious examples of unfair or unreasonable data use is a type of subscriber/subject unease that I refer to as data dysphoria, which involves but is not limited to specific examples of the dubious commercial data practices that pervade cyberspace. In conjunction with this unease ideas and mechanisms to ‘take (back) control’ of one’s personal data have emerged that provoke the desire for meaningful practices of data self-care in the subject, but which, I argue, instead entangle the subject in a burgeoning mesh of fantasy in which control and data sovereignty are always possible but never attainable. The extent to which data subjects are actually capable of or willing to assume control of personal data in a fully informed way is entirely unclear if not entirely unrealistic. Yet it fits ideologies of technological solutionism perfectly, enforcing the belief that new data horizons must be seized first and questioned later – a coda of the classic Silicon Valley mantra: “move fast and break things”. Use of a banking app on a smart phone to manage one’s finances is convenient, for example, but it does not require the user to negotiate the intricacies of global finance. On the contrary, the convenience of banking apps masks the extent to which personal finance (the credit held in a current or savings account) is embedded in a vast complex of different financial products and networks over which the user has little insight and no meaningful control. Banking apps, therefore, represent a de minimis form of user control, not a radical mode of individual financial liberation. This model is articulated by a wide range of contemporary data management platforms, mechanisms and applications, all of which are directly or indirectly hungry for data4.
Data dysphoria and its corresponding structure in fantasy describe part of the conscious and unconscious negotiations subjects make with networks, systems and the increasing levels of computational autonomy and authority that are in every sense alien and radically unknowable to the vast majority of users caught by and within them5. Importantly, as symptomologies, data dysphoria and fantasies of control describe affects not online but in the ‘real world’. Cyberspace (including databases, networks, systems, or interfaces) in this case does not “solve” the “problems” qua messiness inherent in human endeavour (as long, that is, as the primary role of cyberspace is to serve humanity) but represents ever expanding frontiers into which human psychology inevitably moves, may flourish but, equally, falters.
The discourse of data sovereignty (‘taking control’) at first blush implies empowerment of the data subject – Facebook’s Libra project explicitly uses this language and ideal in relation to their subscribers. But, I argue, data sovereignty satisfies ideals of consumer protectionism above all else, that is, sovereignty of data subjects is supported and promoted insofar as subscribers remain efficient, engaged economic subjects within the ambit of neoliberal capitalism. Data subjects who without demur bear a financial cost for taking part in history must invest energy into creating new “free” markets and ensuring all social life is calibrated to the logic of those markets6. It is, in this sense that blockchains, as a distributed and decentralising mechanism for improving economic efficiencies, impregnate those who use them with such logics. The irony being that the self-care insisted upon by data subjects who are “sovereign” assumes nothing more than a form of control contingent upon the constraints placed on the subject by neoliberal capitalism, and therefore is not a form of control the data subject is free to exercise or enjoy at all7. To paraphrase Jodi Dean, taking control in this instance does not delineate data subjects from a rest of us ‘whose work, lives, and futures are expropriated, monetized, and speculated on for the financial enjoyment of the few’, instead it serves to highlight the actual complicity of those data subjects in sustaining neoliberal capitalism and ‘the extent of the class power of an elite that has gotten us to think in terms of competition, efficiency, stock markets, bonuses, and financial success’8. ‘Taking control’ is thus an illusion or, more precisely as this essay argues, a fantasy articulated through the notion of data sovereignty and constructed by neoliberal capitalism, one, however, ultimately reaffirmed and maintained by the data subjects caught within it.
Fantasies of control
The mainstreaming of blockchain technology in the present moment of data dysphoria is no accident: it is part reaction to it, and part exploitation of it. The technology satisfies, at least in theory, ‘problem’/’solution’ matrices with deep roots in a wide variety of global economic, political, social, legal and cultural contexts – too many to cover or mention during the course of this essay. ‘Solutions’ dreamt up by a variety of stakeholders including entrepreneurs, venture capitalists, and technologists who consider blockchain-led socioeconomic and political characteristics of transparency, disintermediation, post-trust, and so on to be the keys to healthier cyber-socialites and ontologies. Capitalism is not seen as a problem to be solved, but rather the architecture supporting blockchain concepts and implementation. Notions of data or identity self-sovereignty derive from capitalist and, capitalism’s ‘mutant form9, neoliberal structures in fantasy that insist on the perfection and wholeness-of-being attainable through economic practice and self-care. Data practice and data self-care emerge as species of broader capitalist practice: a practice of the practice that maintains capitalism’s prominence whilst resisting countervailing and critical notions of data sovereignty from non-market and non-competitive communities on- and offline.
There are no shortage of businesses promoting the benefits of blockchain-led digital economies through idealisations of secure, peer-to-peer, data-as-property (e.g. tokenisation) paradigms that promise to empower users by allowing them to unlock ‘value’ from their personal data in the form of ‘micropayments’ – a model of granular payments that individuals, as well as corporations, can derive from all forms of data exploitation large and small. Far from novel enterprises, a number of these business models necessitate conventions in offline and off-chain markets and consumerism models that require high levels of interoperability between different interfaces, whilst also sustaining forms of centralisation and mediation that correspond closely to the logic of existing patterns of commercial development that blockchain, it was claimed (lest we forget), was going to destroy.
Peer-to-peer digital economies do not eschew but rely upon transactions of personal data within traditional (capitalist) business models. Data subjects auto-exploit by relying on data sovereignty mechanisms, models, skills and techniques given to them as indisputable tools of engagement and self-management, a clear contradiction if we take as our definition of sovereignty ‘the receiving of a general recognition of exclusive domain and consequent possession of the capacity to establish rules of conduct within a particular field of action’10. On this point we see the root of the fantasy of control begin to show itself, because the façade of subject/object choice as a condition of contemporary economic engagement is revealed to be the mere belief in the organisational networks enveloping the ‘free’ economic subject as data subject. In other words, it is an illusion that a data subject has ‘capacity to establish rules of conduct within a particular field’ because ‘a general recognition of exclusive domain’ has never existed but is instead always already capitalism’s domain and the data subject a material site for its ideological (re)production11.
‘Self-sovereign identity technology can put the control [of personal data] in the hands of individuals’ Andrea Tinianow has claimed12. For control to manifest in the manner Tinianow envisages would involve wholesale transformations of the present model of socioeconomic organisation and hegemony, however, that is, the transformation of capitalism into a new state of economic organisation predicated on more not less self-interest. Given the fundamental tenets of capitalist ‘free’ enterprise include supply and demand and ‘winner takes all’ market engagements grounded in the necessity of self-interested, competitive economic subjects, it is hard to see how more self-interest is going to fundamentally ‘disrupt’ the prevailing economic model, or, indeed, encourage it towards some specious notion of post-capitalism. But then it is not meant or designed to. Instead it is a fantasy of economic perfectibility by a data subject at work in the model of data or identity self-sovereignty; or, put more simply, capitalism reinventing itself for the sake of preservation.
What is perhaps most astonishing about the blockchain moment, one which is definitively neoliberal capitalist, has been the ability of stakeholders to convince the world of the desirability of digital ledgers as immaterial objects of ritual and devotion. Based on its potential for expansion the digital ledger is arguably an example of greater transformation of the mundane into the spectacular than even mobile phones achieved with the inauguration of smart phones13. We are witnessing the rise of a ledger society in which rituals of verification will become more central to the everyday normative functions of society than Michael Power first certainly envisaged two decades ago14. Within this paradigm the ledger assumes a vast and growing status as ritual object and multivocal symbol, its referents ‘not all of the same logical order’ but ‘drawn from many domains of social experience and ethical evaluation’ for the purposes of allowing data subjects to perform economically15. The result is a jumble of misunderstandings as to the precise nature and value of blockchain as a technology, and reductionist narratives of blockchain as a global economic panacea rushing to fill gaps evacuated of critical reason and reinstitute what Herbert Marcuse long ago called the ‘comfortable, smooth, reasonable, democratic unfreedom’ that ‘prevails in advanced industrial civilisation, a token of technical progress’16.
The implications of blockchain fermenting deeper economic reason in cyberspace, and transforming it into an ever more perfect market, is not something to be automatically welcomed. Through such propositions we risk an impoverished humanity existing through technology beset by and implicated in the ideals and practices of financial economy first and last. ‘Networked communication and information technologies are exquisite media for capturing and reformatting political energies’, argues Jodi Dean, they ‘turn efforts at political engagement into contributions to the circulation of content, reinforcing the hold of neoliberalism’s technological infrastructure’17. Where blockchain figures in Dean’s analysis is still evolving as the technology moves from the brute economics of cryptocurrencies to more obvious political domains such as the provision of public services and democratic accountability vis-à-vis voting and government transparency initiatives. Contemporary ledger technologies and the peer-to-peer networks they support not only enable contributions to the circulation of content, as Dean expresses it, but more accurately economize contributions in accordance with ever more concise neoliberal values. The data subject within peer-to-peer networks must thus search for and anticipate each new transaction and exchange as fulfilment of the fantasy of data sovereignty
About the Author
References
1. Olivia Solon and Oliver Laughland, “Cambridge Analytica closing after Facebook data harvesting scandal”, The Guardian, 2 May 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/may/02/cambridge-analytica-closing-down-after-facebook-row-reports-say (accessed 4 June 2018)
2. Carole Cadwalladr and Emma Graham-Harrison, “Zuckerberg set up fraudulent scheme to ‘weaponise’ data, court case alleges”, The Guardian, 24 May 2018. https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2018/may/24/mark-zuckerberg-set-up-fraudulent-scheme-weaponise-data-facebook-court-case-alleges (accessed 4 June 2018)
3. See: https://libra.org/en-US/white-paper/ (accessed 5 August 2019); and Robert Herian, “Libra, Iran and the potential end of cryptocurrencies as we know them”. The Conversation, 1 July 2019. https://theconversation.com/libra-iran-and-the-potential-end-of-cryptocurrencies-as-we-know-them-119606 (accessed 5 August 2019)
4. See, for example: Nick Srnicek, Platform Capitalism. 2017. Cambridge: Polity
5. As James Bridle maintains: ‘If we do not understand how complex technologies function how systems of technologies interconnect, and how systems of systems interact, then we are powerless within them, and their potential is more easily captured by selfish elites and inhuman corporations’ (James Bridle, New Dark Age: Technology and the End of the Future. 2018. London: Verso, pp.2-3)
6. Adam Greenfield makes a similar point but specifically targeted at the role Ethereum, the organisation behind the other major public blockchain alongside the Bitcoin blockchain, is having on shaping individual adaption to and adoption of blockchain applications such as smart contracts and tokens (i.e. Ether) allowing for participation in decentralized autonomous organisations (DAOs). See: Adam Greenfield, Radical Technologies: The Design of Everyday Life. 2018. London: Verso
7. See: Robert Herian. Regulating Blockchain: Critical Perspectives in Law and Technology. 2018. London: Routledge
8. Jodi Dean, The Communist Horizon. 2012. London: Verso, pp.69-73
9. Byung-Chul Han, Psycho-Politics: Neoliberalism and New Technologies of Power. Translated by Erik Butler. 2017. London: Verso, p.5
10. Sarah Manski and Ben Manski, “No Gods, No Masters, No Coders? The Future of Sovereignty in a Blockchain World”. Law & Critique. 2018. (forthcoming)
11. Louis Althusser, On Ideology. 2008. London: Verso, pp.46-47
12. Andrea Tinianow, “GDPR Isn’t the Answer, But Blockchain Is”, Forbes. 4 June 2018. https://www.forbes.com/sites/andreatinianow/2018/06/04/gdpr-isnt-the-answer-but-blockchain-is/#75e88f8848bd (accessed 5 June 2018)
13. Of course, there are now “blockchain-enabled” smart phones as a marriage of the two phenomena. See: https://hackernoon.com/a-closer-look-at-three-blockchain-smartphones-28b746976d22 (accessed 8 April 2019)
14. Michael Power, The Audit Society: Rituals of Verification. 1997. Oxford: Oxford University Press
15. Victor Turner, The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. 1969. New Brunswick: Aldine Transaction, p.52
16. Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimension Man: Studies in the ideology of advanced industrial society. 2002. London: Routledge, p.3
17. Jodi Dean, Democracy and Other Neoliberal Fantasies: Communicative Capitalism and Left Politics. 2009. Durham: Duke University Press, p.32