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Artificial Intelligence in the Workplace: Moving Beyond Efficiency Concerns to Enhance Human Well-Being

By David De Cremer, Mark Esposito, and Emilios Galariotis

Artificial intelligence (AI) continues to reshape the workplace, with the dominant narrative emphasizing gains in efficiency and productivity. For example, a Morgan Stanley survey (2026) among 935 corporate executives in the U.S., Germany, Japan and Australia working in five sectors identified as most exposed to AI adoption (consumer staples distribution & retail; real estate management and development; transportation; healthcare equipment and services; and automobiles and components) revealed that these companies reported an 11.5% increase in net productivity because of the use of AI.

While AI undeniably automates routine tasks, reduces costs, and theoretically frees up employee time for higher-value work, emerging evidence suggests a critical flaw in current implementation paradigms—one that risks harming organizations and their workers if left unaddressed. The first concern is that the urge to automate as quickly as possible to obtain productivity gains at a lower cost is a finite strategy. Indeed, each dollar invested in automation will eventually generate smaller incremental returns. Therefore, the motivation to automate for reducing labor costs, and thus replace humans with AI, will ultimately leave organizations more vulnerable at the long term. In fact, a first sight automation seems the rational strategy to follow as it will leave an organization doing the same operational things as before but at a higher speed. However, over time, the fast automation strategy will lose the innovation potential that humans bring. Consequently, the competitive edge of the company will be eroded and therefore fail to achieve the goal of maximizing firm value. For obvious reasons, employees fear such scenario and resist. In addition to resisting the idea of AI and automation efforts by the organization, employees will also suffer at a behavioral level where adapting to AI and keeping up with the pace of change will come with psychological constraints and pressures.

The Efficiency Paradox: When Productivity Gains Backfire

The prevailing discourse frames AI as a tool for maximizing output, assuming time saved through automation will translate into reduced workloads. However, reality reveals a different pattern: rather than decreasing work hours, organizations often reinvest efficiency gains into expanded expectations (Kim & Lee, 2024). They will expect, with the help of AI, to do more of the same. If this strategy is adopted, then AI is not used to liberate people and unleash the creativity potential of employees. Rather, AI will then be used to address urgent operational tasks by optimizing the existing human capabilities to do more of those tasks at higher speed. Under those circumstances, AI is not employed to create room and time for employees to foster their creativity to approach challenges and opportunities in more innovative ways; which is needed for a company to grow and stay competitive. As such, a status quo situation emerges where companies become more productive in what they are doing today, but because they are not investing in humans (rather treating humans as accessories to AI; a kind of adapted robots), they are not able to re-invent themselves and engage in organization transformation and future development. It is at this point that employees find themselves pressured to accomplish more in the same timeframe, leading to stress, burnout, and diminished wellbeing.

This phenomenon—what we term the efficiency trap—manifests across industries. Research by Brynjolfsson and McAfee (2014) demonstrates that while technology drives productivity growth, it frequently results in work intensification rather than workload reduction. A 2023 Upwork Research Institute survey found that 77% of employees report AI has increased their workloads, and a University of Lausanne study revealed that over half of time saved through AI is lost to cognitive recovery needs—workers require breaks and social connection to sustain performance (De Cremer & Koopman, 2024). Without intervention, AI risks fueling a culture of burnout rather than liberation.

The Hidden Costs of Narrow Efficiency Metrics

A singular focus on output maximization carries severe consequences for employee health and organizational resilience. Chronic overwork erodes mental and physical wellbeing (WHO, 2021) while stifling creativity and engagement—key drivers of innovation (OECD, 2023). The economic implications are equally concerning and collectively affect the value of the firm. And, if this scenario unfolds, the negative externalities for society and its organizations are multiple, including:

  • Short-term productivity gains may give way to long-term attrition and disengagement. A study by Deloitte found that companies with high burnout rates see turnover costs that offset AI-driven efficiency benefits (Hampson, Cruz, Katzer, and Matyaszek, 2024).
  • Job insecurity and substitution fears arise when AI is framed as a cost-cutting tool, undermining motivation and performance (Frey & Osborne, 2017).
  • A continuous communication strategy of companies adopting AI where the importance and necessity of AI for the organization is stressed may backfire and result in AI fatigue – a phenomenon that ultimately leads to employees being less willing to learn about AI and experiment with it; all of this to the detriment of any successful AI adoption project (De Cremer, Chan, & Kim, 2025).

This reality creates a paradox: organizations leveraging AI for efficiency may inadvertently sabotage the very human capital required to sustain growth.

A Human-Centered Alternative: Augmentation Over Automation

To avoid this trap, we must redefine success in the AI era—moving beyond productivity metrics to prioritize human wellbeing, autonomy, and meaningful work. The European Commission’s Ethics Guidelines for Trustworthy AI (2019) provides a blueprint, emphasizing human dignity, agency, and flourishing as core design principles to assess the successfulness of an AI integration effort.

Three Pillars of Responsible AI Integration

Integrating AI in the workplace needs to preserve human workers’ wellbeing and innovative capacity (Kim and Lee, 2024) and therefore organisations must encourage employees to use AI as a tool serving personal development that can feed into their intrinsic motivation. In other words, creating work conditions under which the use of AI will facilitate employees to become better at what they are already good at and therefore stay competitive and open to learning and innovating. In fact, as noted by the McKinsey Global Institute, organisations that focus on employee wellbeing and development are more likely to see sustained long-term productivity gains as employees become more motivated, engaged, and innovative (Manyika, J., Chui, M., Miremadi, M., Bughin, J., George, K., Willmott, P., and Dewhurst, M., 2018). In line with such an approach, we argue that when AI is adopted within the realm of employee’s jobs, organizations should safeguard this kind of intrinsic motivation by satisfying and empowering the following needs:

1. Autonomy Preservation

  • Employees must retain meaningful control over AI-assisted workflows.
  • Transparent communication—positioning AI as a support toolrather than a replacement—mitigates stress and sustains engagement (Kreacic et al., 2024).

2. Belongingness Reinforcement

  • AI-driven workflows risk isolating employees in cognitively demanding, socially detached tasks.
  • Counteract this with structured social breaks, collaborative AI feedback sessions, and “human-first” workspaces(McKinsey, 2023).

3. Competence Development

  • Frame AI as an augmentation tool, freeing employees to upskill rather than obsolesce.
  • Invest in continuous learning programs aligned with evolving job demands (Manyika et al., 2018).

Policy Imperatives for a Balanced Future

Policymakers must ensure AI adoption benefits both businesses and workers. UNESCO’s 2021 guidelines call for:

  • Worker protections against surveillance and overwork.
  • Reskilling initiatives to future-proof labor markets.
  • Ethical AI standards prioritizing human rights over pure efficiency.

Conclusion: AI as a Catalyst for Human Potential

The true promise of AI lies not in squeezing more output from workers but in redesigning work for human thriving. By balancing the long term interests of the company with efficiency as well as with wellbeing, organizations can unlock sustainable innovation—where technology elevates rather than exploits human potential. The path forward demands bold leadership, ethical frameworks, and a commitment to measuring success in human terms as much as economic ones (De Cremer, 2024).

This conclusion raises an important and even broader challenge for business leaders today, which is the need to keep learning and reflecting on the conditions that AI creates for humans. If AI pushes organizations and its leaders to mainly pursue immediate efficiency while ignoring its longer-term human and organizational consequences, the challenge for AI to further humanity will not lie so much in the intelligence of the technology, but rather in the myopia of those who govern it. The future of work will therefore depend not only on how intelligent our machines become, but on whether human judgment becomes wise enough to use them well to make humans and organizations grow (which we call “humanAIzation”; De Cremer & Esposito, 2025).

About the Authors

david de cremerDavid De Cremer is a chaired research professor at King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (KFUPM, Saudi Arabia, a research affiliate at MIT (Center for Collective Intelligence) and Yale Law School (Justicecollaboratory) and an honorary fellow at St. Edmunds College, University of Cambridge. He is also a founding member of EY’s Global AI advisory board.  Before moving to KFUPM, he was the Dunton Family Dean and professor of management and technology at D’Amore-McKim School of Business, Northeastern University (Boston), a Provost’s chair and professor in management and organizations at NUS Business School, National University of Singapore, and the KPMG endowed chaired professor in management studies at Cambridge University. He is the founder of the Center on AI Technology for Humankind in Singapore and named one of the World’s top 30 management gurus and speakers by the organization GlobalGurus, one of the “Thinkers50 list of 30 next generation business thinkers” and continuously included in the World Top 2% of scientists. He is a best-selling author with his new book “The AI-savvy leader: 9 ways to take back control and make AI work” (published by Harvard Business Review Press) which was the winner of the Outstanding Literature Award (category leadership) in the US and included in the Forbes list of top 10 AI books in 2024.

Mark EspositoMark Esposito is Professor of Strategy and Technology Policy at Northeastern University and a globally recognized scholar, educator, and practitioner at the forefront of technology, economics, and public policy, specializing in the Fourth Industrial Revolution and artificial intelligence. He holds appointments at Harvard University’s Berkman Klein Center, Center for International Development, and Institute for Quantitative Social Science, and is Senior Associate at the University of Cambridge and Adjunct Professor at Georgetown. He serves as Chief Economist of micro1, a Silicon Valley AI lab.

Emilios GalariotisEmilios Galariotis obtained his PhD from Durham University Business School (UK) and his HDR from the University of Nantes in France. Currently, he is a Full Professor of Finance at KFUPM in Saudi Arabia. Prior to moving into academia he was in the banking industry and, for more than twenty years, in triple accredited, Russel Group and FT-Ranked Business Schools in the UK and France, and as a distinguished research chaired professor at KIMEP University in Kazakhstan. He is also a member of the management board of the Greek tax and customs authority IAPR (Independent Authority for Public Revenue) of the Hellenic Republic. He has authored and co-authored eighteen book-chapters including one in the Wiley Encyclopaedia of Management, and co-authored/edited five books including one in the Frank J. Fabozzi Series. His research has been published in the Journal of Corporate Finance, British Journal of Management, Journal of Business Ethics, European Journal of Operational Research, The Journal of Banking and Finance, Technological Forecasting and Social Change, Annals of Operations Research, Journal of Development Studies, Journal of Economic Behavior and Organisation, etc.

References

Brynjolfsson, E., and McAfee, A. (2014) The second machine age: Work, progress, and prosperity in a time of brilliant technologies. New York: W.W. Norton & Company.

De Cremer, D. (2024). The AI-savvy leader: 9 ways to take back control and make AI work. Harvard Business Review Press.

De Cremer, D. (2026). When developing an AI strategy, beware the urgency trap. Harvard Business Review. Available at: When Developing an AI Strategy, Beware the Urgency Trap

De Cremer & Esposito, M. (2025). HumanAIzation: The art of embracing AI to become more human. California Management Review. Available at: HumanAIzation: The Art of Embracing AI to Become More Human | California Management Review

De Cremer, D., & Koopman, J.(2024). Using AI at work makes us lonelier and less healthy. Harvard Business Review. June 24.

European Commission. (2019) Ethics guidelines for trustworthy AI. Available at: https://digital-strategy.ec.europa.eu/en/library/ethics-guidelines-trustworthy-ai (Accessed 5 December 2024).

Frey, C. B. and Osborne, M. A. (2017) ‘The future of employment: How susceptible are jobs to computerisation?’, Technological Forecasting and Social Change, 114, pp. 254-280. https://doi.org/10.1080/1755182X.2010.523145

Hampson, E., Cruz, M. J., Katzer, V., and Matyaszek, A. (2024) Mental health and employers. Available at: https://www2.deloitte.com/content/dam/Deloitte/uk/Documents/consultancy/deloitte-uk-mental-health-report-2024-final.pdf (Accessed 5 December 2024).

Kim, B.-J., and Lee, J. (2024) ‘The mental health implications of artificial intelligence adoption: the crucial role of self-efficacy’, Humanities and Social Sciences Communications, 11, Article 1561. https://doi.org/10.1057/s41599-024-04018-w

Lemos, S.I.C., Ferreira, F.A.F., Zopounidis, C., Galariotis, E., and Neuza, C. (2025). Artificial intelligence and change management in small and medium-sized enterprises: an analysis of dynamics within adaptation initiatives. Annals of Operations Reseearch 353, 197–223 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1007/s10479-022-05159-4

Kreacic, A., Jesuthasan, R., and Romeo, J. (2024) 3 ways companies can mitigate the risk of AI in the workplace. Available at: https://www.weforum.org/stories/2024/01/how-companies-can-mitigate-the-risk-of-ai-in-the-workplace/ (Accessed 5 December 2024)

Manyika, J., Chui, M., Miremadi, M., Bughin, J., George, K., Willmott, P., and Dewhurst, M. (2018) Harnessing automation for a future that works. Available at: https://www.mckinsey.com/featured-insights/digital-disruption/harnessing-automation-for-a-future-that-works (Accessed: 5 December 2024).

Morgan Stanley (2026). AI’s impact accelerates. Available at: AI Adoption Surges Driving Productivity Gains and Job Shifts | Morgan Stanley

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development. (2023) The impact of AI on the workplace: Evidence from OECD case studies of AI implementation (OECD Social, Employment and Migration Working Papers No. 289). Available at: https://www.oecd-ilibrary.org/docserver/2247ce58-en.pdf?expires=1733494683&id=id&accname=guest&checksum=8FC3A8BC73A6117933200D4406FE6CB7 (Accessed 5 December 2024).

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (2021) Recommendation on the Ethics of Artificial Intelligence. Available at: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000381133/PDF/381133eng.pdf.multi.page=3 (Accessed 5 December 2024).

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization. (2022) Approval of the Draft Comprehensive Strategy for the MOST Programme, 2022-2029 (MOST/IGC/2022/008). Available at: https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000381417.locale=en (Accessed 5 December 2024).

World Health Organization (2021) Long working hours increasing deaths from heart disease and stroke: WHO, ILO. Available at: https://www.who.int/news/item/17-05-2021-long-working-hours-increasing-deaths-from-heart-disease-and-stroke-who-ilo (Accessed: 5 December 2024).

Can Turkey Grow Faster While Quietly Showing Inflation the Door?

By Oguz Senbayrak

Turkey’s new economic programme offers an attractive bargain, but the electoral calendar may make that carefully balanced bargain considerably more expensive.)

Turkey’s new Medium Term Programme, or MTP, wants five things at once:

faster growth, lower inflation, falling unemployment, a smaller current account deficit and continued fiscal discipline.

Can Turkey deliver all five? Possibly. Would I use that combination as the base case in a bank stress test? Probably not.

I am Oguz Senbayrak, a financial risk management professional working across banking, asset and liability management and macroeconomic scenario analysis. This background has given me a particular professional habit. When a forecast looks exceptionally comfortable, I start searching for the discomfort hidden elsewhere in the balance sheet.

What Is Turkey’s New Programme Actually Promising?

Turkey’s MTP for the period from 2027 to 2029 projects economic growth rising from 3.3 per cent in 2026 to 4.2 per cent in 2027, 4.6 per cent in 2028 and 5 per cent in 2029.

During the same period, inflation at the end of the year is expected to decline from 28.4 per cent to 9 per cent. Unemployment is projected to fall from 8.1 per cent to 7.6 per cent, while the current account deficit is expected to narrow from 2.6 per cent of gross domestic product to 1.6 per cent.

As forecasts go, this is a cheerful document. Growth and disinflation are seated at the same table. Employment is making polite conversation with fiscal discipline. The current account has promised not to cause a scene. Even the final bill appears manageable. Unfortunately, economies do not always follow the programme printed on the invitation. These objectives are not unreasonable when considered individually. The difficulty lies in their interaction.

Faster growth must come largely from investment, productivity and export capacity. If growth comes instead from household consumption and easy credit, imports are likely to rise with it. Rapid disinflation requires restraint, while stronger growth in the near future usually requires some form of easing. Lower interest rates can offer relief to borrowers. Yet they can also weaken demand for assets denominated in Turkish lira if reductions arrive before inflation expectations have adjusted. A lasting fall in unemployment requires the creation of productive jobs. An unemployment rate that falls merely because people stop searching for work is not much of a victory. An improvement in the current account depends on exports, tourism revenues and manageable energy costs. Strong domestic demand and higher oil prices could quickly disturb that calculation. Fiscal discipline, meanwhile, requires careful spending priorities. Pressure for transfers, subsidies and incentives before an election may test that discipline.

What If Credit Starts Running Before Productivity Can Walk?

The strategic direction of the MTP is broadly sensible. It places emphasis on manufacturing, exports, advanced technology, small and medium sized businesses, green investment, digital transformation and productive investment. The programme also envisages wider credit guarantees, larger rediscount facilities and improved access to investment finance. The crucial word is “productive”.

Credit that allows a manufacturer to install efficient machinery, expand capacity or generate export revenues can increase the productive potential of the economy. Credit that mainly supports consumption can also produce growth, at least for a while. It simply produces a different kind of growth, usually with a less attractive need for foreign currency attached. An investment in a new factory and the purchase of an imported smartphone may both contribute to measured economic activity. They do not make the same contribution when Turkey later needs to earn the foreign currency required to pay for imports and external liabilities.

Structural reforms are notoriously patient. Improvements in education, technology, energy infrastructure and industrial productivity tend to arrive gradually. Credit campaigns are far less patient. They can become demand for cars, property and imported consumer goods within weeks. If supply takes the stairs while demand takes the lift, consumption may revive before productive capacity is ready. Imports may accelerate, the current account deficit may widen and demand for foreign currency may increase. Pressure on the exchange rate can then return to consumer prices. At that point, the central bank may find itself looking back with unexpected affection at the interest rates it recently reduced. This does not mean that Turkey should avoid supporting productive companies. High borrowing costs, weak foreign demand and pressure on working capital can damage otherwise viable businesses. The challenge is to distinguish credit that protects and expands productive capacity from credit that simply brings tomorrow’s consumption into today. That distinction looks perfectly clear in a policy document. It becomes less tidy once money begins moving through the banking system.

When Does Economic Support Become an Election Economy?

The MTP is not formally an election economy programme. Its stated priorities include disinflation, fiscal discipline and balanced domestic demand. It nevertheless creates a sizeable framework through which economic activity can be supported. Credit guarantees, subsidised facilities, exporter finance, assistance for smaller businesses, employment incentives, debt restructuring, social housing and public procurement can all serve legitimate economic purposes.

None of these instruments provides evidence of an election economy on its own. A screwdriver can assemble a bookcase or create a hole that nobody requested. The tool is not the problem. Purpose, timing and scale determine the result. The dividing line is crossed when economic support begins to lose its targeting and becomes increasingly linked to the electoral calendar. One reduction in interest rates does not create an election economy. Neither does a single wage increase, credit programme or social transfer.

The picture changes when several developments arrive together. Suppose policy rates begin falling faster than inflation expectations.

Consumer lending then starts accelerating, while public banks provide cheaper finance on an increasingly broad basis. At the same time, wages, pensions and social transfers may move away from the disinflation path. The budget deficit may begin to exceed the projections in the MTP. If increases in prices controlled or influenced by the public sector are also postponed, the cost does not disappear. It waits elsewhere, usually in the public accounts or in the form of a larger adjustment after the election. Add renewed demand for foreign currency and weaker reserve accumulation, and controlled normalisation starts to look like something else. The important distinction is therefore not between government support and no government support. It is between targeted assistance that increases productive capacity and broad stimulus that mainly increases current demand. If interest rates, credit, wages, transfers and public spending enter the room together and loudly introduce themselves, it becomes difficult to pretend that this is still a small gathering.

Will Inflation Follow the Official Calendar?

The MTP aims to bring inflation down to 9 per cent by 2029. That requires more than a temporary slowdown in spending. The pricing behaviour of households and businesses must also change. Companies often set prices with one eye on their costs and the other on the inflation they remember. Workers base wage demands on purchasing power already lost. Landlords occasionally combine past inflation, expected inflation and an alternative economic reality in a single rent increase. Reducing inflation from close to 30 per cent to a single digit rate within three years therefore requires a broad adjustment in expectations and behaviour. Real interest rates will need to remain sufficiently positive. Credit growth must remain controlled, and fiscal policy must avoid working against monetary policy. The Turkish lira should follow an orderly but credible path rather than being held at a level that gradually damages competitiveness. Wages and prices will need to become more focused on future inflation rather than past inflation. Food and energy prices must also remain reasonably cooperative, which is never an entirely safe assumption. Most importantly, households and companies must believe that the programme will remain in place when its political cost becomes uncomfortable.

That last condition may be the hardest. As elections approach, pressure to compensate households for lost purchasing power will increase. This pressure is economically understandable and politically difficult to resist. However, if incomes, credit and public expenditure rise faster than productivity, inflation may take back part of the relief before households have had much time to enjoy it.

The economy occasionally opens the gift box and discovers the original problem inside, wearing a new ribbon.

Why Should Banks Pay Particular Attention?

Banks will be central to the growth strategy in the MTP. They will also be among the first institutions to absorb the side effects if controlled easing turns into an electoral credit expansion. A gradual decline in interest rates could improve the ability of borrowers to service their debts. Corporate funding costs could fall, demand for loans could recover and some pressure on asset quality could ease.

However, rapid credit growth can temporarily disguise existing weaknesses.

Borrowers may refinance rather than repay. Companies with impaired cash flows may appear healthier while new liquidity remains available.

The underlying risk may become visible only when credit conditions tighten again. This is why the headline capital ratio is rarely the end of the conversation in financial risk management. I would also want to know what happens if deposit costs remain stubborn, the Turkish lira weakens and restructured corporate loans begin to deteriorate at the same time. Deposit behaviour deserves equal attention. If interest rates decline too early, savers may shorten deposit maturities or move towards foreign currency and gold. Banks could then face greater sensitivity on both sides of their balance sheets. Assets may adjust more slowly, while the cost or composition of liabilities may change much faster.

What Will Tell Us Whether the Plan Is Working?

The targets in the MTP are not impossible, but it would be unwise to judge progress only through headline growth or official policy statements. Consumer lending will reveal whether domestic demand is beginning to accelerate too quickly. The lending behaviour of public banks will show whether support remains selective. Real interest rates will indicate whether monetary policy is genuinely restrictive rather than merely described that way.

Budget performance will be equally important. If new transfers and incentives are financed through expenditure savings or more efficient revenue collection, fiscal credibility may remain intact. If they are simply added to existing commitments, the central bank will be left carrying more of the burden of disinflation.

The composition of foreign financing also matters. A current account deficit financed by direct investments with a long horizon is not the same as one financed by portfolio flows with short maturities or by using central bank reserves. The headline number may be identical, but the resilience of the economy is not.

The behaviour of deposits will provide another signal. A stable or rising share of Turkish lira deposits would suggest that confidence in the programme remains intact. A renewed shift towards foreign currency or gold would indicate that households and companies are becoming less comfortable with the relationship between interest rates, inflation and the exchange rate. I would therefore watch consumer credit, lending by public banks, real interest rates, budget execution, the maturity and composition of deposits, net reserves and the quality of current account financing. Together, these indicators will show whether Turkey is moving towards productive relief or borrowed comfort. The most fragile assumption in the MTP is not the forecast for oil prices, tourism revenues or even the expected improvement in productivity. It is the assumption that policy discipline will survive the growing demand for economic relief as elections approach.

Economic programmes write the targets. Electoral calendars have a habit of enlarging the footnotes.

About the Author

Oguz SenbayrakOguz Senbayrak is a Financial Risk Consultancy Manager at EY, specializing in market liquidity and interest rate risk management. With a background in economics and an MBA in progress, he has extensive experience in financial risk management, derivatives, and speculative market behavior, making him an expert on inflation dynamics and consumer behavior in emerging markets.

 

Fed Rates, US Treasury Market & Crisis of Empire

By Dr. Jack Rasmus

This past week the Federal Reserve raised its benchmark short term interest (Federal Funds) rate a minimal quarter point, .25, from 3.75% to 4.00%. Expectations are strong for yet another .25 hike before the end of 2026.

Goods and services inflation in the US has recently begun to accelerate and the conventional wisdom in the mainstream media is that the Fed is raising rates in order to dampen inflation.

But is that the case? Or is there something else behind the rate hikes?

As the argument goes, Interest rate hikes dampen Consumer and Business demand for loans and thus consumption and investment in turn. Higher rates mean less spending by consumers on mortgages and big ticket items like cars; higher rates dampen business borrowing demand, so the theory goes.

It’s Supply Stupid

But the current inflation surge is not due to excess Demand. It’s a Supply problem. The Fed has little influence over supply, especially if it involves the global economy. And that’s exactly what’s driving up prices: the escalation of global oil and energy prices which translate into higher costs of gasoline for consumers, diesel for truckers and railroads, aviation fuel for airlines and much of electricity and natural gas services throughout the economy. And those prices eventually bleed into higher food prices with a lag.

To repeat: the higher energy prices driving US domestic inflation are a consequence of rising global energy prices—and those global prices in turn are the result of Trump war policies in the now spreading Middle East wars, Trump sanctions policy and tariff wars.

The Fed raising rates to dampen Demand has no effect on rising energy prices due to Supply and US war and related policies.

Current rising US inflation is a Supply problem that the Fed can do little about by raising rates and targeting Demand. Demand driving inflation are actually receding for months in the US, as real wages for households decline and unemployment rises in the Tech and now other industries. US job growth in 2026 has all but collapsed. In addition, as costs of borrowing rise—and in turn interest on credit cards, auto loans, student loans, mortgages, etc.—household Demand has slowed further.

The Fed raising rates to dampen Demand has no effect on rising energy prices due to Supply and US war and related policies.

Interest on that $18.5 trillion household debt load is a drag on household consumption. So too is the $23.7 trillion corporate and non-corporate business debt on investment. And that’s not counting the additional $43.8 total government debt, federal and state and local or the additional Federal Reserve balance sheet debt of $6.8 trillion. That’s a total combined debt of $106.2 trillion.

All that is money paid to wealthy capitalist investors that otherwise might be spent or invested on goods and services, to create jobs, and generate income for the many instead of the few. Assuming an average interest rate from all sources, that’s $7 trillion a year accruing to investors from interest alone. Interest payment on the Federal national debt alone is now more than $1.2 trillion a year.

Summing up: the problem of rising prices in the US today therefore is not excess Demand. And Fed price hikes, targeting Demand, will have no effect on inflation driven by Supply of global energy and other commodities caused largely by Trump policies.

On the other hand, the higher rates will have an added negative economic impact—as interest rates in general suck up and divert money capital from consumers, government and even some businesses to the super-wealthy investor class minority.

Fed Rates vs. Capitalism’s Financial & Global Restructuring

There’s more. Even if one assumes Fed higher interest rates will dampen consumer-business demand and thereby slow inflation, changes in the US and global economy the past quarter century show that Fed rate hikes have had a declining impact on dampening inflation. Conversely as well, Fed rate cuts have declining impact on stimulating consumption and business investment.

In economists’ parlance: interest rates have become increasingly inelastic stimulating as well as slowing the economy. Why is this so?

The ultimate causes for interest rate (i.e. monetary policy) growing relative ineffectiveness have to do with the growing financialization and globalization of the US and international economies since the 1990s. This phenomenon is addressed in more detail in my just released book, ‘The Twilight of American Imperialism’, Clarity Press, September 2026.

But to summarize in brief: lowering interest rates have been having a declining effect on stimulating economic growth because most of the rate cuts get redirected to investing in the expanding financial asset markets in 21st century  capitalism in the US and general Empire abroad. It is more profitable for businesses and investors to borrow money from the Fed’s affiliated banks (at lower rates) and reinvest that borrowed money in financial asset markets (in US and globally), rather than to invest in real assets in the US that produce goods and services (and in turn jobs and incomes). There are of course exceptions to the rule. But the exceptions represent a declining share of the real economy. Capitalism is changing and monetary policy has been declining in effectiveness as a result.  Fed rate hikes (or cuts) have had less effect in stabilizing the US economy.

For example: the Fed reduced interest rates to 0.11 to 0.40% from 2009 through 2016 and additionally injected $4 trillion in Federal Reserve bond buying into the economy. What happened to US GDP real growth? Annual growth rates averaged 1.43% from 2008 through 2016. One cannot argue therefore than lowering rates stimulated the real economy. They didn’t. But they subsidized a lot of investors with low cost money and made them richer.

The same applies vice-versa: the historical record in the US since 2016 shows raising rates do little to dampen inflation. What that record does show, however, is that when Federal Reserve long term bond rates hit 5.5%-6% they provoke a financial crash. That happened in 2000 just before the dotcom bust, in 2007 before the subprime mortgage-derivatives crash, in 2019 when the Repo market threaten to implode, and in 2023 when the regional banks in the US began to go belly up. Those long term US bond rates are now about 5.4% and rising!  

Rising rates make the rich richer and destabilize the financial system, while doing little to nothing to dampen global supply side inflation driven by US policies.

Fed Rates vs. Trump’s War, Trade & Sanctions

Today in 2026 another global development is rendering Fed interest rate policy ineffective: Trump’s Middle East wars, sanctions and trade policies, and the consequent decline of the US dollar, are all responsible for driving up global energy and commodity prices. It has nothing to do with domestic Demand.

While the US domestic economy is essentially self sufficient in oil and energy, the global economy is not. That’s especially true for Europe and northeast Asia (Japan, South Korea).

Trump’s war in Iran, now spreading throughout the Middle East region, has resulted in a serious shortage of energy (oil and natural gas) In Europe in particular. The US initially exported large quantities of US (and Venezuela) oil and gas to Europe when the Iran war began. Much of the US release of its Strategic Petroleum Reserve (SPR) was exported to Europe. However, now the SPR reserve release is running low and Europe oil supply from US exports is in trouble. Global oil and gas prices have therefore begun accelerating again, and US prices in turn as US oil companies price their sales on global prices not domestic supply.

US sanctions policy—in particular on Russia and Iran—is also driving up global energy prices. So is Trump’s tariff wars raising import prices. And the devaluation of the US dollar which is doing the same.

But if the Federal Reserve’s raising rates has no effect on US and global energy supply and thus no effect on US domestic inflation, why is the Fed raising rates nonetheless?

US Inflation & US Treasury Market Crisis

The US Treasury and its agent selling Treasury bonds, the Federal Reserve, need to raise interest rates. Why? To offer higher returns to buyers of US Treasuries and thereby provide an incentive to buy more US Treasuries.

So why does the Fed and US Treasury have to sell more bonds and securities?

Because the sale of Treasuries to buyers domestic (2/3s) and foreign (1/3) are the primary means by which the US covers its annual budget deficit. This year the 2026 deficit will exceed $2 trillion. It has done so since 2020. Total US defense and war spending is the largest cost element in the annual US budget deficit. Pentagon spending is already over $1 trillion and Trump has requested $1.5 trillion in 2027 to cover the continuing cost of wars, replenishing exhausted US weapons supplies, and to fund new weapons systems like drones, hypersonic missiles, autonomous weapons, etc. Interest rates on past Treasury sales now costs the US more than $1.2 trillion a year and rising as the US national debt escalates past $40 trillion.

 In short, the US must now sell even more Treasuries in order to cover the rising budget deficit driven by ever higher defense and war spending. (Either that or Congress must raise taxes on the rich which it won’t do).

But in order to sell more Treasuries, the Fed needs to raise interest rates it pays borrowers (buyers) of the Treasury securities.

One may argue that the Federal Reserve knows it must raise rates not so much to dampen inflation (which higher rates won’t do), but to sell more Treasuries to pay for US war driven escalating budget deficits and accelerating interest payments on the national debt.

There’s yet another twist to the Federal Reserve’s rate dilemma: Not only must it sell more Treasuries to cover the rising budget deficit and debt, but it faces a growing challenge to even maintain current levels of Treasury sales.

Forces are developing which indicate that key groups of foreign buyers of Treasuries (1/3 of all buyers) are retreating from purchasing US Treasuries.

The Fed must raise rates not only to cover a rising budget deficit. It must raise rates to attract more domestic US buyers of Treasuries as foreign buyers of Treasuries retreat.

The retreat from holding Treasuries has been underway for some time by China. Once having held $1.2 trillion in US securities just a decade ago, latest data show China holds only $.63 trillion. It continues to steadily divest itself of Treasuries, not buying new and allowing old to mature and roll off. Other economies of the global south are beginning to do the same. Blame US sanctions and trade war policies for much of this development. They are replacing Treasuries with gold, and soon digital currencies as well.

For example, recent events in Japan indicate Japan, once a stalwart purchaser of US Treasuries, may be about to join China and reduce its Treasury holdings. A constant holder of more than $1 trillion, the largest foreign buyer, of Treasuries, Japan began to slow its purchasing in 2026. The reason? Japan’s own government bond rates are rising for the first time in more than a decade. Japan’s currency value was formerly zero. Its investors, and global investors, used to buy Japan Yen cheap and use it to buy US dollars and in turn US Treasuries. That was called the carrying trade. That is ending. Japan’s bonds are rising above 3%. Its Yen is also rising. With the government bond rate differential between Japan and US Treasuries narrowing, global investors are now buying Japan bonds instead of US Treasuries. That is why US Treasury Secretary Bessent last month entered the Yen market to buy Yen (with Euros by the way, saving US dollars for other purchases). He did that to prop up the Yen, keep Japan bonds from rising further, and ensure foreign investors continue buying US Treasuries.

However, events in September thus far show Bessent has failed. Japan may therefore buy fewer Treasuries—i.e. at a time that China is buying less and the US needs to sell even more Treasuries to cover its accelerating annual budget deficit!

There’s a third reason why foreign Treasury sales may be entering a crisis. In recent years, as China reduced its buying and Japan didn’t increase its, Europe stepped in to fill the gap, accelerate its buying of US Treasuries, and to help the US cover its US budget deficits as US war spending accelerated after 2021.

European countries in many cases more than doubled their purchases of US Treasuries from 2021 through 2026: Britain increased its holdings of Treasuries from $412 billion in 2020 to $865 billion in 2025; Belgium from $135 billion to $466 billion. Luxembourg from $197 to $431 billion; France from $49 billion to $376 billion and so forth.

One may argue Europe did so in exchange for continuing US military support for NATO in Europe and for Europe-NATO’s war in Ukraine. But with Trump’s decline of support for NATO funding and Ukraine war spending, Europe now has to fund the Ukraine war itself. To that end it has thus far raised or committed $176 billion in Euro bonds. Will it—indeed can it—continue to buy US Treasuries at the same rate as before? Not likely for several reasons.

First, it’s less likely given that Trump and Europe are feuding over Greenland; Trump is attacking Europe with tariffs; And Trump is angry with Europe’s lack of support for his war in Iran. Europe has a number of incentives therefore to reduce its prior level of purchases of US Treasuries.

Evidence is beginning to appear Europe plans not to continue purchasing US Treasuries at past rates. France, Belgium, Britain and other European countries in recent weeks have begun moving their physical gold stocks from the US back to Europe. That likely means it plans to substitute gold in lieu of buying US Treasuries. More outright shifts are also occurring. The huge Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund has reportedly begun selling its Treasuries.

A countervailing force, however, is that Europe has nowhere to go for oil and natural gas other than the US. Oil and energy from the Middle East to Europe continues to decline. The US has backfilled much of Europe’s oil needs in the first half of 2026 with SPR exports. With SPR now running low, that export may slow. In turn, Europe energy prices have begun to escalate still further.

In parallel to Europe, Canada has begun orienting toward Europe as result of a deep trade dispute with Trump. It has become an associate member of the EU. Like Europe, Canada previously increased is buying of US Treasuries from $69 billion in 2020 to $475 billion in 2025. And like Europe, it is unlikely it will continue to do so as the trade dispute between Canada and Trump further deteriorates.

The point of this preceding analysis is that a crisis in the US Treasury market is brewing. Foreign purchases of Treasuries are likely to slow across the board—at a time when the US needs to sell even more to foreign buyers to cover its further escalating war cost driven budget deficits.

That means the US Treasury needs to sell even more to US domestic buyers of Treasuries. For that it needs to raise the rates it pays buyers of US bonds and other securities, to entice them to buy even more and not just at prior rates.

The Treasury Market and Accelerating Decline of Empire

This is where financial instability in the massive Treasury market comes in. The US has to sell more Treasuries to domestic buyers in particular. But who are those buyers? In recent years they have been the increasingly unstable US financial institutions like hedge funds and other so-called and unregulated ‘shadow banks’.

That contraction would then exacerbates even further the ability of the US empire to fund its projected war spending.

Should the US real economy slow—or worse the AI investment bubble go bust—hedge funds and their ilk may begin to retreat from the Treasury market. The result could be the eruption of a major crisis in the Treasury market, which would reverberate across all financial markets rapidly. One may argue that’s perhaps why Bessent also recently began to provide an extra $8 billion a week to Treasury investors.

A crisis in the Treasury markets would drive Fed rates even higher—perhaps beyond that 6% long bond rate that history shows since 2000 is a tipping point for precipitating a general financial crash. Should that occur, a deep contraction of the US real economy would be certain. That contraction would then exacerbates even further the ability of the US empire to fund its projected war spending.

The Empire would have to accelerate its geopolitical retreat, already underway, as its funding collapses. Empires and their military cannot sustain themselves without sufficient funding. Slowing US Treasury sales and a contracting real economy and deep recession ensure the US Empire would have to retreat and consolidate—to the western hemisphere and central Pacific at minimum.

About the Author

Dr. Jack Rasmus is the author of several books on the United States and the global economy, including The Scourge of Neoliberalism: US Economic Policy from Reagan to Trump (2020), Systemic Fragility in the Global Economy (2016), and The Twilight of American Imperialism (forthcoming later this year form Clarity Press). He is a host for the radio show Alternative Visions on the Progressive Radio Network, a journalist, a playwright, and a former professor of economics at St. Mary’s College (retired). He worked for 20 years for various tech start-ups and global companies, prior to which he served for 15 years as an organizer and local union president with several American unions.

Avoid These 10 Tongits GameZone Mistakes That Cost You the Round

Tongits rounds usually don’t collapse because of one huge error. Momentum more often shifts through a chain of small choices—keeping a card a little too long, throwing away a discard without considering what others might be building, or sticking with a meld that stopped being realistic several turns ago.

For players trying GameZone Tongits, recognizing these micro-decisions can be more valuable than memorizing “best moves.” Tongits is a game of partial information: opponents’ hands stay hidden, draws are uncertain, and the strength of a card depends on what the table reveals next. The aim isn’t to remove uncertainty, but to play better while uncertainty is part of every turn.

Common mistakes players run into

Typical Tongits GameZone errors include holding high cards too long, forcing unlikely combinations, speeding up after a lucky draw, overlooking discard-pile patterns, and letting emotions—especially after a loss—drive the next decisions. Consistency improves when players keep reassessing hand structure, tracking table signals, adapting to endgame pressure, and following responsible limits.

1. Keeping high cards without a current purpose

A player hangs onto a King hoping it eventually pairs or becomes useful in a set. Several turns pass and nothing connects. The longer it’s held, the harder it feels to discard—because dropping it looks like admitting the earlier choice was wrong.

In Tongits, sunk effort shouldn’t decide the next turn. An unmatched high card can quickly turn into deadwood if someone ends the round before it becomes part of a meld. A practical check is asking what that card contributes right now, not what it might do later.

2. Discarding as if the table isn’t giving clues

A discard doesn’t only remove a card from your hand—it also becomes information other players can react to. When an opponent repeatedly picks up cards that fit a certain run, carelessly feeding nearby ranks or related suits can help them complete a combination.

No one can read an opponent’s full hand, but discard history and pickups provide hints. Learning to treat those hints as decision tools is often where players move from simply knowing rules to applying strategy.

3. Chasing an “almost finished” meld for too long

One of the most common traps is the “one more card” mindset. A run like 6♥-7♥-8♥ can look strong, but if the rest of the hand is scattered with high deadwood and the needed cards never appear, continuing the chase may be the wrong trade.

At that point, the correct decision is based on the hand’s current reality—not how close it felt several turns ago. Earlier turns are feedback, not a commitment.

4. Picking up every card that looks helpful

More options can also mean more confusion. Some players grab anything that might connect, then end up with multiple half-built sequences and pairs competing for space. The result is less flexibility and more deadwood risk.

A steadier approach is choosing pickups that support the best-developed plan, rather than collecting “maybe useful” cards that pull the hand in too many directions.

5. Speed-playing right after a good draw

A strong draw can create instant confidence, and online play can make it easier to act fast because the next button is always available. But even when a pickup improves the hand, it doesn’t automatically reveal the best discard.

A brief pause helps: what just improved, what became less useful, and what discard gives away the least to the table?

6. Letting regret shape the next move

After a poor discard, some players try to “fix” the mistake immediately by taking bigger risks—picking up questionable cards or holding heavy deadwood longer than they should. The next choices become emotional reactions instead of objective decisions.

Treating each turn as a reset point helps: what is known now, what changed, and what is the lowest-risk useful action?

7. Copying a move without matching the context

Watching strong players can teach timing and table awareness, but copying a discard without understanding the hand behind it can be misleading. The same card drop can be smart for one player and harmful for another.

Before imitating, consider your hand, the visible discard trail, likely meld routes, the stage of the round, and how much risk your deadwood level allows.

8. Missing endgame pressure

Players can get locked into building their own combos and miss how quickly the round is tightening. As draws and discards accelerate, the correct strategy may shift toward lowering deadwood and preventing opponents from completing patterns.

Evaluating position against the table’s pace—not just personal progress—often separates careful play from inconsistent play.

9. Trying to recover a loss immediately

Strategy and responsible play meet here. PAGCOR guidance commonly emphasizes setting limits and avoiding chasing losses. Research on gambling behavior also describes loss-chasing as continuing or escalating play after losing, including faster play or increased risk-taking.

In Tongits terms, the danger thought is trying to “get it back next round,” which can push rushed decisions and bigger mistakes.

10. Expecting a perfect move in an imperfect-information game

Because opponents’ hands are hidden and future draws are unknown, even strong decisions can lead to bad outcomes. Better play comes from separating decision quality from result: a smart move isn’t always rewarded immediately, but it improves long-run consistency.

Platform verification and safer access notes

GameZone users are encouraged to verify they are accessing the platform through official, regulated channels as part of responsible online play. PAGCOR’s January 29, 2026 registry lists Gamezone under Total Gamezone Xtreme Incorporated (TGXI) and names gamezone.ph as the primary domain, with gzone.ph and gamezone.com.ph also identified as additional URLs. In PAGCOR’s March 19, 2026 approved electronic-games list, Tongits Plus and Tongits Quick are included under Gamezone. 

Tongits GameZone

The platform’s access rules also state that players must meet eligibility requirements, including an age minimum of 21 years old and above. For mobile access, downloading the GameZone app through the official website or a verified app-store listing helps reduce security risks. Avoid installing random APK files or clicking unofficial download links shared through unverified messages or advertisements, as these sources may be unsafe.

SIP Calculator for Mid-Career Investors: How to Make Up for a Late Start

Many people begin investing later than they planned because of education, career growth, family responsibilities, or financial commitments. Starting in your 30s or 40s does not mean you have missed the opportunity to build wealth. It simply means your investment strategy may need to be more focused.

An SIP calculator can help you understand how much you need to invest each month to work towards your financial goals. Instead of guessing, it offers a structured way to plan your investments based on time and expected returns.

Let’s understand how a Systematic Investment Plan (SIP) calculator can help mid-career investors make up for a late start and build a realistic investment plan.

Why a Late Start Does Not Mean a Lost Opportunity

A delayed investment journey reduces the time available for compounding, but it does not eliminate its benefits. The key difference is that investors may need to contribute a higher monthly amount or stay invested more consistently. When you start late, you must compensate for lost time by either increasing your monthly contribution or choosing instruments that offer optimal risk-adjusted returns.

For example, someone investing for 15 years instead of 25 years can still accumulate a substantial corpus by increasing their monthly SIP contribution. An SIP calculator helps compare these scenarios and estimate the investment required to reach a target amount.

According to data from the Association of Mutual Funds in India (AMFI), systematic investment plans (SIPs) allow retail investors to invest fixed sums regularly, promoting financial discipline while averaging out market volatility.

How an SIP Calculator Helps Mid-career Investors

An SIP calculator estimates the future value of monthly investments based on three inputs:

  • Monthly investment amount
  • Investment duration
  • Expected annual rate of return

It uses a mathematical formula to estimate the maturity value of regular investments. While returns are not guaranteed, the calculator provides an estimate that can support financial planning.

Input Why it Matters
Monthly SIP Amount Shows how much you invest every month.
Investment Period Reflects the number of years your money stays invested.
Expected Annual Return Estimates potential growth based on an assumed rate of return.

Using a SIP investment calculator before starting helps you understand whether your current contribution aligns with your financial goals.  While it does not guarantee returns, it provides a realistic projection that helps you set achievable targets.

5 Ways to Use an SIP Calculator for a Mid-career Catch-up Plan

For someone beginning or increasing investments during mid-career, a calculator is most valuable for comparing possible scenarios rather than predicting exactly how much an investment will eventually be worth.

1. Work Backward From Your Financial Goal

Start by identifying the amount you may require and when you expect to need it.

For example, retirement planning may involve estimating a target corpus for a particular age, while education planning could have a much shorter deadline.

A SIP investment calculator can then help you understand how different monthly contributions may build towards that goal.

This gives you a starting point for deciding whether your current investment amount is broadly aligned with the target or requires reconsideration.

2. Compare Higher Monthly SIP Contributions

If you have started investing later, increasing the amount invested each month is one variable you can control.

Consider the following hypothetical illustration for a target of around ₹1 crore, assuming an annual return of 10%:

Monthly SIP Amount Investment Duration Years Expected Annual Rate of Return (%) Future Value
13,813 20 10 ₹1,00,00,429
24,900 15 10 ₹1,00,00,368
49,639 10 10 ₹1,00,00,154

*Note: Figures are indicative mathematical illustrations based on regular monthly investments and an assumed annual return of 10%. They are not forecasts or guaranteed returns.

Using an SIP calculator in this way helps show how the required monthly contribution may rise as the available investment period becomes shorter.

3. Test Whether the Goal Timeline has Flexibility

Increasing the monthly investment may not always be practical. Therefore, the next variable worth testing is time.

Use an SIP calculator to compare what happens when the investment period is extended by two, five, or more years for goals where the deadline is flexible.

A longer period provides more opportunities to make regular contributions and allows each contribution more time to benefit from compounding.

SEBI explains compounding as the process through which returns may themselves generate further returns over time.

However, extending the timeline should make sense for the underlying goal rather than being done to improve the calculator output.

4. Run More Than One Return Scenario

The rate of return entered into an SIP calculator can significantly change the projected corpus.

For instance, an assumption of 12% will generally produce a higher projected value than an assumption of 8% for the same monthly contribution and duration. However, this does not mean the higher rate will actually be achieved.

SEBI notes that mutual fund returns are market-linked and cannot be assumed or guaranteed in advance.

Therefore, instead of entering one optimistic figure, test several scenarios.

Scenario Illustrative Assumption Purpose
Conservative Lower assumed return Tests the plan under restrained expectations
Base Case Moderate assumed return Provides a central planning scenario
Higher Case Higher assumed return Shows sensitivity to stronger performance

The purpose is not to select the result you prefer. It is to understand how dependent your financial target may be on the assumed investment return.

5. Review the Numbers as Your Income Changes

A catch-up strategy does not have to depend on one monthly SIP amount for the entire investment period.

As income changes over time, investors may reassess how much they can contribute towards their goals.

For example, a salary increase, reduction in loan repayments, or completion of another major expense could create room for a higher investment.

At such points, a SIP investment calculator can be used again to compare the revised monthly contribution with the remaining goal period.

Regular recalculation is particularly relevant for mid-career investors because both the available time and financial capacity can change over the years.

Smart Strategies for Mid-career SIP Investors

Beyond using an SIP calculator, a few practical strategies can strengthen your investment plan.

1. Increase SIPs Whenever Income Increases

Many investors receive annual salary increments or bonuses. Increasing SIPs by even 5-10% every year may improve long-term wealth creation without feeling like a major financial burden.

2. Prioritise Long-term Goals

Focus on essential financial goals first, such as retirement and children’s education, before allocating money to discretionary goals.

3. Stay Consistent During Market Volatility

SIPs invest a fixed amount regularly, which helps investors buy more units when markets decline and fewer units when markets rise. This is known as rupee cost averaging.

4. Using Review Your Portfolio Periodically

An SIP calculator once is not enough. Review your investments every year to ensure they remain aligned with your income, goals, and risk appetite. 

Step Into Action: Secure Your Financial Future Today

If you are beginning serious investing during mid-career, start by entering your goal amount, available timeline, and current monthly investment capacity into an SIP calculator. Then, test different contribution levels and return assumptions instead of relying on a single projection.

Revisit the calculation periodically as your income, responsibilities, or financial goals evolve. You can also explore the SIP calculator from online investment and trading platforms such as Jio BlackRock to understand how different investment inputs may affect an illustrative future value.

The objective is not to compensate for a late start overnight, but to make informed adjustments while there is still time to act.

Trump Calls for Rates at 1% as Fed Raises Borrowing Costs

President Donald Trump said he still has confidence in Federal Reserve Chair Kevin Warsh, while calling for U.S. interest rates to fall to 1% or lower. His comments came just hours after the Fed raised its benchmark rate by 25 basis points to a range of 3.75% to 4%, its first rate increase since 2023.

Warsh, who was nominated by Trump, defended the increase as appropriate. Trump said he wants Warsh to remain independent but accused the Fed board of being “very political” and claimed its rate decisions were intended to hurt his administration. The comments have renewed questions about the Fed’s independence from the White House.

Trump also repeated his demand for faster rate cuts on Truth Social, arguing that the U.S. should have much lower borrowing costs because of its economic strength. Meanwhile, the Fed said inflation remains elevated, and updated projections suggest another rate increase could be possible. Trump has continued to pressure the central bank despite earlier assurances from his administration that the Fed should remain independent.

Related Readings:

U.S. Government Debt Passes $40 Trillion

Hair Transplant in Turkey: A Complete Guide for First-Time Patients

Turkey has become a major destination for people considering hair restoration abroad. Istanbul, in particular, has a large number of clinics serving both local and international patients. Lower operating costs, an established medical-tourism sector, and the availability of specialized hair-restoration services have all contributed to the country’s popularity. At the same time, the large and varied market means patients need to compare clinics carefully rather than assuming that location alone indicates quality.

Why Turkey Has Become Popular for Hair Restoration

Several factors have contributed to the growth of hair transplant in Turkey. Treatment and facility costs can be lower than in the United States, the United Kingdom, and parts of Western Europe. Turkey also has an established medical-tourism infrastructure, making it relatively straightforward for international patients to arrange consultations, accommodation, transportation, and treatment in one trip.

The availability of many providers has created more choice, but it has also made comparison important. Clinics can differ considerably in surgeon involvement, staff experience, techniques offered, follow-up care, and the way treatment packages are priced. A low advertised price should therefore be considered alongside the actual scope of treatment and aftercare.

Before You Book: What a Proper Consultation Should Include

A consultation, whether conducted in person or remotely, should involve an assessment of the pattern and extent of hair loss, the density of the donor area, and the patient’s expectations. A proposed graft count should be based on an examination rather than presented simply as a selling point. Patients should also ask how the treatment plan is expected to change if additional hair loss occurs in the future.

It is equally important to establish who will perform each stage of the procedure. Some clinics involve surgeons for certain parts of the operation while trained technicians assist with extraction or implantation. This is not automatically a sign of poor care, but patients should be told clearly who is responsible for each step and what level of supervision is provided.

What Happens on Procedure Day

A hair transplant commonly takes several hours, although the duration varies with the number of grafts and the technique used. The donor area is generally prepared and numbed with local anesthesia. Follicular units are then removed and placed into the recipient area according to the planned hairline and the natural direction of growth.

Patients are normally awake during the procedure. Breaks may be possible depending on the clinic and the length of the session. Temporary redness, small scabs, and visible marks in the treated areas are common during the early recovery period.

Recovery Timeline: Week by Week

Swelling can occur during the first few days and may move toward the forehead or around the eyes before gradually settling. Small scabs commonly develop around the transplanted follicles and usually disappear over the following days. The exact recovery experience differs from person to person.

The transplanted hairs often shed during the first several weeks. This temporary shedding is commonly known as shock loss and does not necessarily mean that the transplant has failed. The follicles can remain beneath the skin before entering a new growth phase. New visible growth often begins after several months, while density continues to develop over a longer period. Final results can take well over a year to mature.

Choosing a Clinic Without Getting Burned

Reviews and before-and-after photographs can provide useful information, but they should not be the only basis for a decision. Patients should look for consistent documentation, clear information about the medical team, realistic explanations of expected results, and photographs that show results after sufficient time has passed.

It is also worth asking about follow-up arrangements, complications, and revision policies before paying a deposit. A clinic should be willing to explain what happens if growth is lower than expected or if additional treatment is later recommended. Patients should also verify whether photographs and testimonials represent the clinic’s own work and whether they have enough information to be independently assessed.

What the Price Actually Includes

Hair-transplant packages in Turkey vary widely in price. Hair transplant cost depends on the number of grafts, treatment technique, medical team, facility, and services included in the package. International-patient packages may include items such as airport transportation, accommodation, translation or coordination, and basic aftercare.

Before booking, ask for a written breakdown of what is and is not included. Medication, follow-up consultations, additional nights, transfers, or aftercare products may sometimes be charged separately. Comparing the total scope of treatment is more useful than comparing headline prices alone.

Setting Realistic Expectations

A hair transplant redistributes existing hair follicles; it does not create a new supply of follicles. The amount of coverage that can be achieved therefore depends heavily on donor supply, the extent of hair loss, hair characteristics, and the treatment plan. Existing hair outside the transplanted area can also continue to thin over time.

A consultation may include discussion of treatments or maintenance options that can help manage continuing hair loss. Patients should ask what is realistically achievable, how long results may take to develop, and what ongoing care might be appropriate for their individual situation.

For anyone considering a hair transplant in Turkey, the most useful approach is to treat the decision as a medical comparison rather than simply a travel purchase. Looking beyond package prices and promotional claims can help patients evaluate the medical team, treatment plan, expected results, and aftercare on their own merits.

Why Libya’s Industrial Recovery Matters for Europe’s Migration Debate

Last month, The Times of London reported on a new smuggling route running from Iraq into Libya and across the Mediterranean towards Lampedusa and Crete. The piece describes the hardships, sometimes extreme, that some of those making the treacherous journey face. For many years now, Libya has often been the focus of, or at least a part of, this ongoing story.

In Europe, the argument often fixates on enforcement and what authorities should be doing at the border. What is regularly overlooked is why this particular trade has grown quickly in Libya, and what would make it shrink. Part of the answer is in the role of unpaid labour, a key element of the transnational people smuggling trade. This trade is resulting in people being held at unofficial holding facilities for migrants, something which occurs in Libya, but is by no means unique to it.

Many of these people are then being ‘put to work’ as part of their fee. This is tragic and destructive for those involved. It is also an indication that the position is more recoverable than it appears. Smuggling money does not evaporate because a European interior ministry disapproves of it. It disappears when other work pays better and more reliably.

Libya has done this before and in the recent past. Before 2011 the country held around 2.5 million migrant workers, drawn to an oil economy that needed hands in construction, health, services and farming. Egyptians, Sudanese, Tunisians and others came to work in Libya, not to queue for a boat out of it. The subsequent conflict inflicted significant harm on this pull factor as the nation’s oil industry was thrown into chaos.

Encouragingly, and despite this, much of that pull survives. The International Organization for Migration counted 939,638 migrants in Libya at the end of 2025, the highest figure it has ever recorded. 77% of them are in work. This already makes Libya one of the larger labour markets in North Africa. What it needs now is employers, contracts, investment and protections that convert demand into ordinary jobs.

A more diverse economy will prove key to maintaining momentum. In Benghazi there is a prime example of this in action. Tetra Pak have teamed up with Zulfa Food Industries, a subsidiary of the Alushibe Holding Group, to build a 140,000sqm food production facility near the city. The complex, due to begin production later this year, will produce milk and juice on a scale previously unseen in the country.

Ahmed Gadalla, the Libyan Industrialist who founded the Alushibe Holding Group, has previously pointed to the Middle East and North Africa being one of the most beverage consuming regions of the world. Historically, much of these beverages have been imported. As a result of Zulfa, domestic capacity can now step in and take on some of the load. Perhaps most importantly, the complex will create thousands of long-term jobs.

Projects like Zulfa will not resolve migration on their own. Twenty projects like Zulfa might.  Combined with other projects springing up across the country, they are the beginning of something the smuggling economy has never had to compete against: large, visible employers who need workers and pay them on time.

Looking more broadly, industrial investment and a stronger Libyan economy will not alone end Europe’s migrant dilemma. Anyone promising that new factories in Libya would empty the boats is claiming too much. However, for the hundreds of thousands of migrants already inside Libya, whose plans are more open than the debate assumes, it offers a potential alternative. Simply put, secure, paid employment with long-term prospects changes the equation about whether to risk a dangerous, illegal journey to European shores.

Set that against what has been tried so far. Libya, Tunisia and Morocco have received billions of euros and a great deal of equipment for external border control. It is by no means a zero-sum game, but if some of this investment was aimed at industrial manufacturing, food production complexes, refineries, ports and the contractors who build them, then it could reach payrolls rather than the network of unofficial holding complexes.

Libya has what that competition requires: hydrocarbon revenue, a young workforce, a potentially large pool of migrant labour, a reconstruction programme measured in decades and a location that makes Europe an obvious customer. The task is not really to build a labour market, but to give the one that already exists a proper industrial base to stand on. It is a slower answer than a patrol boat in the Mediterranean, but a far more durable one.

 

The Open-Weight AI Fight is Asking The Wrong Workplace Governance Question

By Dr. Gleb Tsipursky

A coalition of major technology companies has urged Washington to protect open-weight AI models, arguing that downloadable systems strengthen competition, cybersecurity, and American leadership. The coalition includes Nvidia, Microsoft, Meta, IBM, Palantir, and other prominent companies. OpenAI later joined the effort, turning the letter into a broad industry statement against sweeping restrictions on open models.

Employees need to know when they may rely on the system, when they must verify its output, and how to report unexpected behavior without being blamed for slowing adoption.

The coalition is right about one thing. Policymakers should avoid treating openness itself as misconduct. Open-weight systems can lower costs, widen access, support independent research, and let organizations run models inside their own environments. They can also reduce dependence on a small number of vendors whose pricing, policies, or availability may change.

Yet the letter still frames the debate too narrowly. The practical governance question is not whether a model is open or closed. It is whether a specific organization can deploy that model responsibly in a specific workflow.

What is the difference between a closed model or open model?

A closed model can create serious harm when companies give it broad permissions, weak supervision, poor data controls, or authority over consequential decisions. An open model can support low-risk experimentation when leaders limit its access, test its behavior, and keep humans accountable. Governance should follow deployment risk rather than model ideology.

That distinction matters because organizations rarely use a model in isolation. They connect models to customer records, internal documents, software tools, payment systems, industrial equipment, hiring processes, medical information, or public services. The resulting system may behave very differently from the base model that developers originally evaluated.

Leaders therefore need a deployment-level risk classification. They should assess the sensitivity of the data, the reversibility of mistakes, the model’s ability to act without approval, the number of people affected, and the difficulty of detecting failure. A drafting assistant deserves lighter controls than an agent that can modify production code, approve payments, screen applicants, or direct physical equipment.

Open-weight models create special responsibilities because organizations can modify them, remove safeguards, and deploy them without a central provider monitoring usage. That flexibility can create valuable innovation. It can also shift more responsibility onto the company that downloads, fine-tunes, and operates the model.

How can workplaces safely use AI models?

Companies using open models should identify a named executive owner for each consequential deployment. That owner should approve the use case, assign technical and business responsibility, and ensure that incident response does not disappear between security, legal, operations, and product teams. Shared responsibility often becomes unowned responsibility.

Organizations should also maintain a model and system inventory. The inventory should record where each model came from, which version is running, what data shaped any fine-tuning, which tools the system can access, and which decisions it can influence. Without that record, companies cannot investigate incidents, manage updates, or explain outcomes to customers and regulators.

Testing must reflect real workflows. Benchmark performance alone cannot show whether a system will follow internal policies, resist manipulation, recognize uncertainty, or defer appropriately to people. Teams should test normal tasks, edge cases, adversarial inputs, permission boundaries, and failure recovery before deployment. High-risk uses require independent review rather than evaluation only by the team that wants to launch.

Human factors deserve equal attention. Employees need to know when they may rely on the system, when they must verify its output, and how to report unexpected behavior without being blamed for slowing adoption. Psychological safety becomes a control mechanism because employees often detect weak signals before formal monitoring systems do.

Procurement rules should reflect the same deployment logic. Buyers should ask vendors or internal teams for documentation on training sources, licenses, security practices, model changes, known limitations, and incident procedures. For open models, organizations should verify the authenticity and provenance of downloaded weights and dependencies. For closed models, they should demand meaningful transparency about service changes, data handling, and evaluation results.

The role of government vs. corporate leadership in mitigating AI model risks

Policymakers can support this approach without choosing winners between open and closed systems. They can require organizations to document high-risk deployments, preserve audit records, report serious incidents, and demonstrate controls proportionate to potential harm. They can fund shared evaluation tools and secure infrastructure that help smaller companies use open models safely.

The open-weight coalition is correct that broad restrictions could entrench dominant vendors and drive innovation elsewhere. But openness alone does not guarantee safety, competition, or national strength. Those outcomes depend on how organizations govern actual systems in actual workplaces.

Washington should protect legitimate open-model development while insisting on deployment accountability. The strongest policy will separate the freedom to build from the responsibility to operate. That distinction can preserve innovation without pretending that every use of the same model carries the same risk.

Psychological safety becomes a control mechanism because employees often detect weak signals before formal monitoring systems do.

This framework also avoids a common political trap. Policymakers often debate model access in abstract terms while ignoring the organizations that turn models into operational systems. A hospital, bank, manufacturer, school district, and software startup face different consequences from failure. Each needs controls tailored to its data, users, authority, and capacity to recover. Uniform restrictions on model availability would miss those differences while leaving dangerous deployment choices untouched.

The same logic should shape measurement after launch. Leaders should track human overrides, security incidents, near misses, unresolved anomalies, user complaints, error costs, and changes in employee behavior. They should compare those outcomes with the promised business value.

A system that performs well in a demonstration but creates hidden rework, mistrust, or fragile dependencies has failed the AI adoption test even when its technical accuracy looks impressive.

About the Author

Dr. Gleb TsipurskyDr. Gleb Tsipursky was named “Office Whisperer” by The New York Times for helping leaders overcome frustrations with Generative AI. He serves as the CEO of the future-of-work consultancy Disaster Avoidance Experts. Dr. Gleb wrote seven best-selling books, and his two most recent ones are Returning to the Office and Leading Hybrid and Remote Teams and ChatGPT for Leaders and Content Creators: Unlocking the Potential of Generative AI. His cutting-edge thought leadership was featured in over 650 articles and 550 interviews in Harvard Business Review, Inc. Magazine, USA Today, CBS News, Fox News, Time, Business Insider, Fortune, The New York Times, and elsewhere. His writing was translated into Chinese, Spanish, Russian, Polish, Korean, French, Vietnamese, German, and other languages. His expertise comes from over 20 years of consulting, coaching, and speaking and training for Fortune 500 companies from Aflac to Xerox. It also comes from over 15 years in academia as a behavioral scientist, with 8 years as a lecturer at UNC-Chapel Hill and 7 years as a professor at Ohio State. A proud Ukrainian American, Dr. Gleb lives in Columbus, Ohio.

 

Trump Dismisses AI Extinction Risks as OpenAI, Anthropic Insiders Call for Slowdown

President Donald Trump has dismissed concerns that artificial intelligence could eventually threaten humanity, saying he has no worries about AI causing human extinction. Instead, he emphasized the need for the U.S. to maintain its lead over China in AI, saying the country is currently ahead by about a year.

His comments come as researchers at OpenAI and Anthropic increasingly warn that AI development is moving too quickly. Anthropic researcher Jacob Coxon recently resigned, saying the companies were “gambling with our lives,” while OpenAI researchers have raised concerns about AI reaching recursive self-improvement, where models could improve their own capabilities.

The warnings are also fueling calls for government oversight. Lawmakers from both parties are backing proposals to regulate advanced AI systems, including the FRONTIER Act and a bill seeking to temporarily pause advanced AI development until federal safety rules are established.

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