The pandemic has highlighted creative industries’ innovative capacity and the extent to which we rely on culture not only for our livelihoods but to lead healthy and fulfilling lives. Around the world the creative industries are poised to drive societal as well as the economic recovery, yet not without more focused attention and targeted government support. As part of that recovery, we need a concerted global R&D effort for creative technology, says Professor Andrew Thompson and Lord (Neil) Mendoza.
As governments around the world have resorted to various forms of lockdown to stop COVID from spreading, theatres, concert halls, festivals, heritage sites, galleries and museums have all had to close their doors. At the start of the pandemic productions skidded to a halt. Tours were rescheduled. Staff were furloughed or faced redundancy. The pandemic and live performance were simply not compatible; a major public health crisis constituted an unprecedented blow to the cultural life of many societies. But, for the UK at least, that is only a part of the story. “In dark and cloudy times”, to quote Mary Beard, “we really did harness technology to open up the best of what arts and culture have to offer on a wider and grander scale”.
Chairman of ITV, Peter Bazalgette, argues that we under-inform ourselves on the scale and value of the creative industries in the UK. In 2019 they represented 6% of national economic output. Moreover, they were growing at three times the rate of the rest of the economy. Even during COVID sectors like film, television, computer gaming and book publishing continued to flourish.
The pandemic and live performance were simply not compatible, and a major public health crisis constituted an unprecedented blow to the cultural life of many societies.
Rapidly advancing digital technology and the revolution in data science were already with us before the pandemic – analysing, optimising and customising, forcing us to look at the economy of tomorrow into which governments will have to help their citizens to move. This is true. It is equally true, however, that the response of the creative industries to the pandemic has given us tantalising insights into the possibilities of podcasting, the streaming live performances, the staging of virtual exhibitions, online multiplayer games, and new forms of augmented and mixed reality.
There has in fact been an unprecedented expansion of digital offerings. A report by the Economist revealed that a staggering 25 million people in the UK visited a cultural site online or attended a virtual event in the first eight months of the pandemic alone. People have gained access to things they had never experienced before. Cultural organisations have reached new and more niche audiences. Consumers have been turned into producers, with platforms like Instagram and YouTube. If there is a single lesson to be learnt here it is that where creativity meets technology is the place is where great cultural and material value is going to be derived over the next twenty years.
In the spring of 2020, we launched the Boundless Creativity project to provide real-time intelligence and comprehensive data on the pandemic’s effects on the UK’s arts, cultural and heritage sectors. Over a period of eighteen months, we spoke to many organisations, up and down the UK, large and small, private and public. Our final report for the Department of Culture, Media and Sport emerged last summer when we had hoped there may be the first signs of exit velocity from the virus. But with the emergence of new variants, life amidst COVID continues to prove distinctly unsettling, like living in a science fiction movie not knowing what the ending will be.
In rich and poor countries, North and South, East and West, citizens have been turning to culture for comfort and consolation, to process what is happening to them, and to express their emotional responses. Whatever the restrictions and protections deemed necessary by the government, culture has fought back and helped to keep us all going.
When we began our project the actress Fiona Shaw spoke of “culture as everything, a way of travelling, even at home”. Despite closing their doors, cultural organisations were quick to adapt and innovate just when we needed them most.
The evidence we have gathered for Boundless Creativity shows a marked increase in digital cultural consumption over lockdown, even if problems of unequal broadband access and digital literacy remain. The demographics of change merit particular attention. Twice as high a percentage of the under-45s in the UK have engaged in cultural activities online compared with the over-45s. That said, across the entire age range, casual and marginal users have been converted into more intensive users of technology in search of satisfying digital cultural experiences. Watching filmed performances, looking at art online, or attending Zoom readings of plays – two-thirds of Britons now think it is possible to have a meaningful cultural experience online.
The evidence we have gathered for Boundless Creativity shows a marked increase in digital cultural consumption over lockdown, even if problems of unequal broadband access and digital literacy remain.
Not all forms of cultural product have translated. Digital is no substitute for live performance; artists sometimes chafe at its constraints; content needs to be adapted, or sometimes entirely rethought, and online experiences work best when they have intimacy and authenticity. Yet many of those organisations we spoke to expect the future to be a hybrid one. Virtual reality and reality itself will evolve alongside each other; performance to live audiences will be integrated with streaming to global ones. This more hybrid future is set to be a distinctive global marker of the creative economies across the globe.
The extraordinary demand we have witnessed for cultural products, services and experiences since the virus first arrived points to the potential for the creative industries to power a post-Covid recovery. What biomedical science is doing to tackle the primary physical effects of the virus has its analogue in what the arts, cultural and creative sectors can do to tackle COVID’s social and economic fallout. The key recommendation of our report, therefore, is that an equivalent effort be made in the domain of R&D for creative technology as is being made for the digital applications for climate, health, or security.
There is a compelling research agenda to get stuck into. How to reach new global audiences digitally? How to broaden digital access for producers and consumers? How to overcome entry barriers to the digital market faced by freelancers and smaller creative organisations? And how to bring the benefits of cultural access and participation where they are most needed? We don’t yet have satisfactory answers to these questions.
As governments around the world engage in the vast and risky experiment of reopening society, lives as well as livelihoods could be transformed by a major new drive for “science for creativity”. There is already precedent in the UK with the Creative Clusters and Audience of the Future programmes which were set up when one of us when previously CEO of the Arts and Humanities Research Council. Together these two programmes are transforming university interactions with their cultural hinterlands and bringing cutting-edge technology into museums, theatre, animation, and gaming.
It is almost a truism to say the pandemic has changed how we lead our lives. But will this global health crisis also change the way we think about art, culture and creativity? The future for the creative industries is unlikely to be a simple extrapolation of their past. Indeed, we are already witnessing three powerful trends which promise to accelerate the pace of change.
First, innovation is emerging from small scale “creative tech” enterprises as much as from the internet majors, perhaps more so. These companies are fast-moving and dynamic; the fruits of their labours are making their way into our lives in ways of which we are largely unaware. Many are hiding in plain sight: Factory 42, the Imaginarium Studios, Tiny Rebel Games, and Marshmellow Laser Feast, to namecheck just a few. Only a handful attain the size of the visual effects company, Framestore, with offices worldwide. Yet although they often employ less than twenty people, they are partnering with some of the world’s largest and leading performing arts companies, heritage organisations and major retail outlets. Compared to the automotive, aerospace and pharmaceutical sectors they also receive miniscule amounts of public R&D funding.
Second, the growth of start-ups by young creative entrepreneurs taking on the world of business is as likely to come from smaller and specialised arts institutions as it is from some of our larger research-intensive universities. In fact, the UK universities with the most graduate start-ups in the creative and design sectors are places like the Royal College of Art or the University of Arts, where students like to use their creativity to solve real world problems. Forging partnerships between these types of arts-focused institutions, offering mainly vocational courses, with more traditional universities, possessing major strengths across the humanities and computer sciences, will be vitally necessary to be at the forefront of the creative technology, to pioneer interactive and immersive entertainment, and to spread the benefits of cutting-edge design.
The growth of start-ups by young creative entrepreneurs taking on the world of business is as likely to come from smaller and specialised arts institutions as it is from some of our larger research-intensive universities.
Third, we must for once and all relinquish the “two cultures” way of viewing the world which artificially pitches the arts against the sciences as if they were entirely separate things. The UK recently adopted the acronym STEAM: Science, Technology, Engineering, the Arts and Mathematics. STEAM recognises that it is at the intersection of disciplines that many of the most exciting innovations of the future will occur – researchers in the arts and humanities joining forces with those working in the fields of digital and data science. This is the philosophy that is driving the ten newly-commissioned projects shortly to be showcased by Unboxed – a UK festival which will bring millions of people together in 2022 via a series of free, large-scale events, installations and globally accessible digital experiences during next spring and summer.
The rhetoric of STEAM urgently needs to be turned into the reality of a step-change in cross-disciplinary and cross-sectoral ways of working. STEAM truly hard-wired into the way we think. Any country able to fuse the arts and sciences together will see benefits flow not only to cultural consumption but to spill-over effects into other parts of the economy. For digital technology-enabled platforms are set to transform many aspects of leisure, transportation, and the world of work.
The story of the vaccines is making it clear that COVID is a global crisis demanding global thinking and global response. While the virus exists in one part of the world it remains a threat to us all. What is true for our physical health is also true for mental health and well-being. We don’t live in isolation. Part of the COVID crisis, as testified by growing concerns worldwide for the psychological effects of successive shutdowns, is cultural. We need cultural participation to help us see beyond the difficult times in which we are living. We need cultural participation to lead meaningful and purposeful lives. We need cultural participation to remind us of the values that make us human.
A global R&D push on the creative industries therefore holds the promise of enhancing exit velocity from the pandemic both economically and socially – of benefitting lives as well as livelihoods. If, as seems certain, a series of tough public spending choices lie around the corner, governments would do well to keep that in mind.
This article was originally published on 27 January 2022.
Lord Neil Mendoza, Neil is Provost of Oriel College, University of Oxford. He is the government’s Commissioner of Cultural Recovery and Renewal and Chair of the Culture and Heritage Capital board for DCMS. He led two government reviews into the museum sector in 2017. He is Chair of the Illuminated River Foundation.
The need for quick and convenient financial solutions has led many Canadians to explore online loans. Whether it’s for unexpected expenses, home improvements, or simply making ends meet until the next payday, these alternative credit products have become a popular option for those seeking immediate financial assistance.
However, many are still confused and hesitant about online loans. If you’re one of them, this article helps you understand the ins and outs of borrowing online loans in Canada. We’ll also discuss credit scores, how to improve them, and many other practical advice.
Understanding Credit Scores
A credit score is typically a three-digit number derived from your financial behavior reflected on your credit report. It shows how good you are at handling money you borrow and helps lenders decide if it’s safe to lend you money.
A higher credit score generally makes it easier to secure loans with favorable terms, including lower interest rates. In contrast, a bad credit score lowers the chances of getting approved for loans. It signals to lenders that a borrower may pose a higher risk, leading to limited options and often higher interest rates.
The good news is that many online lenders are now specializing in providing loans to individuals with bad credit. However, it’s important to note that these loans may come with higher interest rates as a way for lenders to mitigate the perceived risk.
Tips for Improving Your Credit Score
If you find yourself facing challenges due to a low credit score, consider taking proactive steps to improve it. Start by reviewing your credit report to identify any errors or discrepancies. If there are any mistakes, have them corrected as soon as possible.
Pay bills on time, reducing outstanding debts, and avoiding unnecessary credit inquiries can also positively impact your credit score over time. Note that your payment history, debt, and new credit make up 30%, 30% and 10% of your credit score, respectively.
Moreover, there are many online lenders and websites that may offer guidance on how borrowers can work towards improving their creditworthiness. For example, visit AimFinance for online loans and financial articles that can help you improve your credit profile.
Applying for an Online Loan in Canada
When applying for an online loan, it’s essential to be well-informed and make decisions that align with your financial goals. Here’s a quick round up to what you should expect when applying for an online loan in Canada:
1. Loan Types and Purpose
There are various types of online loans available, such as payday loans, personal loans, and installment loans. Each serves different purposes, and selecting the right type depends on your specific financial needs. For example, personal loans may be more suitable for larger expenses, while payday loans are designed for short-term needs.
2. Loan Amount and Terms
Determine the amount you need to borrow and your budget’s repayment terms. Online lenders often provide flexibility in choosing loan amounts and repayment periods. Carefully assess your financial situation to avoid borrowing more than necessary or committing to repayment terms that may strain your finances.
3. Eligibility Criteria
Before applying, review the eligibility criteria set by the online lender. Different lenders may have varying requirements, such as minimum income, employment status, and credit score. For example, you can also visit AimFinance to learn more about what to know when applying, how to qualify and more. Understanding these criteria upfront helps you assess your chances of approval and saves time by applying to lenders aligned with your financial profile.
4. Fees and Additional Charges
Be aware of any fees associated with the loan, such as origination fees, late payment fees, or prepayment penalties. Understanding these charges helps you calculate the total cost of the loan and avoid surprises during the repayment period.
5. Credit Score Impact
Recognize that the loan application process may involve a credit check. While some lenders cater to individuals with lower credit scores, others may have stricter requirements. Understand how the loan application and repayment will impact your credit score and whether the lender reports to credit bureaus.
6. Application Process
Familiarize yourself with the online loan application process. Most online lenders have a user-friendly platform that guides you through the necessary steps. Prepare the required documents, such as proof of income and identification, to expedite the application process.
7. Approval Time and Funding
Different lenders have varying approval timelines, ranging from minutes to a few days. Consider your urgency for funds and choose a lender with a processing time that aligns with your needs. Additionally, inquire about how funds will be disbursed, whether through direct deposit or another method.
8. Repayment Plan
Understand repayment plans. These include the frequency of payments and the total number of installments. Some lenders may offer flexible repayment options, such as bi-weekly or monthly payments. Choose a plan that suits your budget and financial preferences.
9. Customer Reviews and Reputation
Research the reputation of the online lender by reading customer reviews and testimonials. Insights from previous borrowers can provide valuable information about the lender’s customer service, transparency, and overall satisfaction. Choose a lender with positive feedback and a track record of ethical lending practices.
10. Customer Support
Evaluate the availability and responsiveness of customer support. Reliable online lenders have accessible customer support channels that address any questions or concerns you may have during the application process or throughout the life of the loan. They can also help you manage your loans and even provide ways to improve your credit score.
Final Thoughts
By considering these factors and being well-informed about the online loan application process, you can make confident decisions that align with your financial goals and ensure a positive borrowing experience. Remember that responsible borrowing involves not only securing the funds you need but also managing the loan effectively to avoid unnecessary financial strain.
In the realm of time management and productivity, open source calendar software has emerged as a key player. These calendars are more than just tools for marking dates; they are comprehensive platforms for planning and organizing personal and professional schedules. The ‘open source’ aspect implies that their code is freely available for anyone to use, modify, and distribute, fostering a community-driven approach to software development. This openness not only ensures transparency but also allows for extensive customization, making these calendars adaptable to various user needs.
The Role of Open Source Calendars in Enhancing Productivity
A significant advantage of open source calendars is their ability to integrate with various productivity tools. This integration allows for an efficient workflow, where users can synchronize their schedules with other applications like email clients, task managers, and project tracking systems. Such synergy enhances efficiency, enabling users to manage all aspects of their work from a central platform.Open source scheduling software thus becomes a hub for productivity, connecting different aspects of work and personal life.
Customization is a foundation ofopen source calendar scheduler systems, allowing users to tailor the software to their specific workflow needs. Users can adjust view settings, notification systems, and even add or remove features according to their preferences. This level of customization ensures that the calendar aligns perfectly with the user’s workflow, enhancing productivity by minimizing the time spent on managing schedules and allowing more focus on actual tasks.
The sharing and synchronization capabilities of open source calendars are pivotal in today’s interconnected work environments. Users can share their calendars with colleagues, family, or friends, providing visibility into their schedules and facilitating easier planning of joint activities. Synchronization across devices is another key feature, allowing users to access their calendars on smartphones, tablets, and computers, ensuring they stay informed and organized regardless of their location.
Customization Features for Personal and Professional Use
The ability to customize an open source calendar to fit individual preferences is one of its most appealing features. Users have the freedom to modify almost every aspect of their calendar, from the visual themes and layout to the functionality of notifications and reminders. This customization ensures that the calendar serves as a personal assistant, attuned to the specific rhythms and routines of the user’s life. For instance, a student might integrate their academic schedule with study reminders, while a freelancer could link project deadlines with client meetings. Such tailored configurations make these calendars not just tools, but trusted partners in managing day-to-day activities.
In a business environment, the adaptability of open source calendars is equally critical. These tools can be configured to align with the unique workflows and processes of a company. Features like shared calendars, group scheduling, and integration with CRM systems can transform how a team operates. They allow for more efficient planning, better resource allocation, and improved communication within teams. By aligning the calendar with business operations, organizations can enhance their productivity and ensure that all team members are synchronized and informed.
Open source calendars go beyond basic date tracking, offering advanced scheduling and task management features. Users can set up complex recurring events, integrate task lists, and even link their calendars to project management tools. This holistic approach to scheduling ensures that all aspects of a user’s professional and personal life are harmoniously integrated, providing a clear overview of upcoming commitments and responsibilities.
Advantages of Open Source Calendars in Workflow Management
Open source calendars are revolutionizing workflow management with their unique blend of flexibility, community support, and cost-effectiveness. These tools break the barriers often encountered with proprietary software, offering a more adaptable and inclusive solution for managing time and tasks. This dynamic leads to software that is not only efficient but also highly aligned with the diverse needs of its users. Here are the key advantages of open source calendars:
Cost Savings: Drastically reduces or eliminates software expenses.
Customization Freedom: Tailors to specific workflow needs.
Vendor Independence: Minimizes reliance on external providers.
Community Support: Offers extensive resources and collective problem-solving.
Adopting open source calendars can significantly improve how individuals and teams manage their schedules and collaborate. These tools provide a robust framework for efficient time management, enhanced by the collective input and innovation from a worldwide community.
Overcoming Challenges with Open Source Calendars
One of the initial hurdles when adopting an open source scheduler is the learning curve. These calendars often come with a wealth of features and customization options, which can be overwhelming for new users. However, this challenge can be mitigated through patient exploration and utilization of the extensive resources available. Many open source calendar communities provide detailed documentation, tutorial videos, and user forums. Engaging with these resources can significantly ease the learning process, allowing users to harness the full potential of their calendar systems.
Open source calendars may require certain technical prerequisites for installation and customization. While this might pose a challenge for those with limited technical expertise, it also offers an opportunity for learning and growth. Additionally, many open source projects are moving towards more user-friendly interfaces and simplified installation processes. For more complex setups, users can often find guidance and support from the community, making the technical aspects less discouraging.
Exploring Popular Open Source Calendar Applications
Leading applications often boast advanced scheduling capabilities, seamless integration with other productivity tools, and customizable interfaces. Some provide unique functionalities like project management integration or automated event creation based on email content. These features enhance the user experience by offering more than just basic data tracking, allowing for a comprehensive approach to managing time and tasks efficiently.
Each open source calendar application has its own set of strengths, catering to different user preferences and requirements. While some are lauded for their simplicity and ease of use, making them ideal for personal time management, others are known for their extensive customization options, suited for complex business environments. Conducting a comparative analysis involves examining aspects such as user interface, feature richness, ease of integration, and the level of community support, helping users choose the tool that best aligns with their specific needs.
The landscape of open source scheduling tools is set to evolve with technological advancements and changing user demands. Anticipated trends include increased integration with artificial intelligence for smarter scheduling, enhanced mobile compatibility for on-the-go access, and stronger security features to protect user data. Additionally, the growing emphasis on user experience is likely to drive further innovations in interface design and functionality. The continuous input and collaboration from the global open source community will be pivotal in shaping these future developments, ensuring that these tools remain at the forefront of workflow management solutions.
Some people view retirement as a stage where you are too old to work and thus need to rest, but retirement can start as early as your 20s. It requires appropriately planning of your finances to ensure you can meet your needs after you stop working.
If you plan to retire early, there is a chance you have prepared for it. You have ensured you will enjoy your life after retirement without stressing about finances or restricting yourself to what you can do. However, there are some things you do now that determine how your retirement years will be. The following are things that will help you have a wealthy retirement.
You Have Thought About Your Lifestyle After Retirement
The best way to enjoy life after retirement is to save enough money for the lifestyle you want to live. If you want a luxury lifestyle, you must keep more to achieve it. Factor in things like where you want to live, how often you wish to travel, and if you plan to leave an inheritance to your children. It is crucial to know how much your dream lifestyle will cost.
You Pay Your Taxes
You don’t want to be unsure of how much you have for retirement. You need enough money to cater to your lifestyle once you stop working. In that case, it is advisable to ensure you pay all the taxes. Work with a financial advisor so that you know how much income you will have in retirement. This way, it will be easy to plan your life.
You Are Diversifying Your Income
It is advisable to not rely on a single income when working. The 9-to-5 job can go away anytime and limit how much you save. You don’t want to depend on a single source of income during your retirement. Therefore, consider diversifying your income into several streams to earn more.
You Have Paid Off Your Debt
The secret to having a wealthy retirement is paying off debt while working. It includes student loans, credit card debts, and any other debt you might have. A site like Prillionaires News has a lot of information on debt payment and the importance of doing it early. Without debts, it becomes easier to invest and save more for retirement.
You Have Moved
You can save a lot of money and still live a wealthy life if you relocate to a place with low living costs. While working, you might have been forced to move to the urban to access the workplace quickly. However, relocating to a quiet and peaceful place away from the city can be good. Many people sell their properties after retirement and move to a cheaper and more tranquil place where they can live without issues.
You Have Planned How You Will Spend Your Free Time
Lastly, the best way to ensure you are rich once you retire is to plan how you want to spend your free time. Figure out how you want to spend your money when not working. By planning your finances early, you can make good choices that will give you a great retirement. Find hobbies and interests to keep you busy.
Final Words
If you plan for retirement, you could have a rich one if you follow these tips. It is about figuring out the life you wish to spend after leaving the workforce. This idea helps you know how much you should save to achieve it.
The digital revolution has significantly transformed the landscape of gaming, particularly in the realm of online casinos.
In Canada, this evolution has been marked by a surge in popularity, technological advancements, and a greater emphasis on regulation and player safety. In this article, we delve into the factors contributing to the rise of online gaming in Canada, drawing insights from the country’s top casino sites in 2023.
Introduction to Online Gaming in Canada
Online gaming in Canada has witnessed exponential growth over the past few years. This surge can be attributed to several key factors, including technological advancements, the convenience of digital access, and a diverse range of gaming options. Canadian players have shown a marked preference for online platforms due to their ease of use, accessibility, and the broader array of games available compared to traditional brick-and-mortar casinos.
The online gaming landscape in Canada has evolved rapidly, with the sector experiencing remarkable growth.
This growth is not just in terms of revenue but also in the increasing number of Canadian players who regularly participate in online gaming. The appeal of these online platforms is largely due to their convenience, allowing players to engage in gaming from the comfort of their homes or on the move. This ease of access, combined with the wide range of gaming options available, positions online gaming as a prominent entertainment medium in Canada.
For a more in-depth exploration of the top platforms, you might be interested in this comprehensive review article. This guide offers detailed insights into the leading casino sites, their game offerings, user experience, and security measures, helping you navigate the rich and varied landscape of Canadian online gaming.
Technological Advancements
The Role of Cutting-Edge Technology
Integration of AR and VR: Advanced technologies like Augmented Reality (AR) and Virtual Reality (VR) have elevated the gaming experience, offering immersive environments that mimic the feel of a physical casino.
Mobile Gaming Growth: The proliferation of smartphones has played a pivotal role in the expansion of online gaming. Mobile-friendly websites and apps have made it possible for players to enjoy their favorite games on-the-go.
Integrating advanced technologies like AR and VR into online gaming platforms has enhanced the user experience and attracted a tech-savvy demographic.
These technologies provide a level of immersion that traditional online gaming platforms cannot match, offering a glimpse into the future of gaming. Moreover, the growth in mobile gaming has broadened the reach of online casinos, allowing users to access their favorite games from anywhere, at any time.
Enhancing User Experience
User Interface Improvements: Continuous improvements in user interfaces have made online gaming more intuitive and enjoyable, attracting a wider audience.
Tailored Game Recommendations: Leveraging AI, top Canadian sites now offer personalized game recommendations based on user preferences, enhancing the player experience.
The focus on improving user interfaces directly responds to the growing demand for more user-friendly gaming platforms. This evolution in design and functionality ensures that seasoned gamers and newcomers can easily navigate these platforms. The use of AI for personalized game recommendations is a testament to the industry’s commitment to providing a tailored experience, ensuring that players are presented with games that align with their interests and playing styles.
Regulatory Landscape
Ensuring Fair Play and Security
Licensing and Regulation: In Canada, online casinos are subject to stringent regulations to ensure fair play. Reputable sites are licensed by recognized authorities like the Kahnawake Gaming Commission.
In the realm of fair play and security, Canadian online casinos are at the forefront, adopting rigorous standards to ensure player trust and safety. This commitment to fairness is not just about adhering to regulations; it’s about building a sustainable and trustworthy gaming environment. Implementing advanced data encryption technologies signifies the industry’s dedication to protecting player information, a critical factor in maintaining user trust.
Responsible Gaming Measures
Self-Exclusion Programs: These allow players to exclude themselves from gaming for a certain period voluntarily.
Limit Setting: Players can set limits on deposits, wagers, and playing time, promoting responsible gaming behavior.
Introducing responsible gaming measures like self-exclusion programs and limit settings is a proactive approach to addressing the challenges associated with online gaming. These measures are essential in promoting a balanced and healthy gaming culture, ensuring that players have the tools to manage their gaming habits responsibly. This focus on responsible gaming is beneficial for the players and contributes to the long-term credibility and sustainability of the industry.
Game Variety and Innovations
Expanding Game Libraries
Diversity of Games: Top sites offer a vast array of games, from classic slots to live dealer games, catering to a wide range of preferences.
Exclusive Titles: Many platforms have exclusive games, providing unique experiences unavailable elsewhere.
The diversity and constant expansion of game libraries are key elements that keep players engaged and returning to online casino sites. This variety caters to a broad spectrum of tastes and preferences, ensuring something for everyone. Introducing exclusive titles adds a layer of exclusivity and novelty, encouraging players to explore new gaming experiences only available on specific platforms.
Embracing New Trends
Cryptocurrency Integration: The acceptance of cryptocurrencies like Bitcoin for transactions reflects the adaptability of online casinos to emerging trends.
Regular Game Updates: Frequent updates and new game releases keep the gaming experience fresh and engaging.
Adapting to new trends, like the integration of cryptocurrency payments, demonstrates the industry’s agility and forward-thinking approach. This adoption caters to a niche market and positions these platforms at the forefront of technological innovation. The commitment to regularly updating game libraries reflects an understanding of the dynamic nature of player preferences, ensuring that the gaming experience remains fresh and engaging.
Player Engagement and Loyalty Programs
Rewarding Player Loyalty
Loyalty Programs reward regular players with points, exclusive bonuses, and other perks.
VIP Clubs: High-rollers can access VIP clubs offering specialized services, higher limits, and personalized support.
Implementing loyalty programs and VIP clubs is a strategic move to foster long-term relationships with players. These programs are designed to reward consistent play and elevate the gaming experience for regular users. The tiered structure of these programs incentivizes continued play, offering increasingly attractive rewards as players progress through different levels.
Community Building Efforts
Online Tournaments: These events foster community and competition among players.
Social Media Interaction: Active engagement on platforms like Twitter and Facebook helps build a loyal player base.
The organization of online tournaments and active social media engagement are crucial in building community among players. These initiatives create platforms for interaction, competition, and shared experiences, forging a strong bond between players and the gaming site. This sense of community is integral to player retention, as it adds a social dimension to the gaming experience, making it more engaging and enjoyable.
Conclusion
The rise of online gaming in Canada is a testament to the industry’s ability to adapt, innovate, and prioritize player needs.
From leveraging cutting-edge technology to implementing responsible gaming measures, the industry has shown a commitment to providing a safe, enjoyable, and dynamic gaming experience. As the industry continues to evolve, it will undoubtedly uncover new opportunities and challenges, but the insights from Canada’s top casino sites in 2023 suggest a bright future for online gaming.
Selling a house is always a difficult decision for a multitude of reasons. On one hand, it may be connected with the joy of moving to a new house. On the other hand, you most probably need to find a family that will be willing to buy your house, accepting your price without attempting to significantly lower its value. Before the process of selling your house, consider making a few financially savvy modifications to your house and increase the amount you would like to receive for your property for future home selling.
Build an extension to increase space
One of the greatest issues lots of families need to face is the lack of space, both for storage or even for primary purposes, like eating together with their family, organising a movie night, or simply playing with their kids.
It’s not so easy to rebuild the house that you are going to sell anyway, but building an extension can significantly increase its value, even up to 15%. Choose which room in the house needs renovation or expansion of the space, or swap the functions of the rooms. An extension is a perfect place for an open-plan kitchen connected to your living room, with a glass roof to increase the amount of daylight.
If your house is suitable for a family with kids, think about building an extension that will serve as a playroom. Or how about transforming the extension into a winter garden, which will amaze the most demanding clients coming to your house? Consult a homebuyer financial adviser on how to invest wisely to prepare your house for future selling.
Parking Space
It might come as a surprise that selling a house with off-street parking could allow you to ask buyers for an additional £50,000. Given the challenge of finding parking in congested areas, a dedicated parking space can be considered one of the most significant advantages of a real estate property.
In the era of electric cars, the presence of electric vehicle charging facilities can further enhance the value of your property. As electric cars gain popularity, homeowners increasingly desire such amenities.
Renovate and refurbish the rooms
One of the most costly renovations at home is in the kitchen and bathroom, due to the cost of tiles, equipment, and furniture. These two rooms are also the most assessed ones by buyers, as they are aware of the awaiting responsibilities in case they don’t like the decor or furniture.
Start with replacing outdated appliances with modern and more ecological ones, and get rid of stained tiles to create a modern and stylish look. A full refurbishment of the kitchen is assessed for a £15,000 increase in your home value, while the bathroom can add up by 3 to 5%.
A garden as a home oasis
Focusing on the interior of the house cannot let you forget about the exterior. According to the survey by the Times, the value of the house can be increased by 2 to 3% by the work you do in the garden.
Start with simply cleaning it up, removing unnecessary and broken things, sweeping the leaves, and getting rid of old plants. Mow the grass, trim the bushes, and make your garden look neat and well-kept. Look at your door and the front of your house in the eyes of the potential buyer. Do they look attractive, or the person will feel negative about the house in the few first seconds in front of your property?
If there is a patio, think about creating a cosy sitting place there, with chairs, pillows, pot plants, and lots of candles around.
Resale Value: Making Financially Savvy Choices for Future Home Selling
Selling a house is always a difficult decision for a multitude of reasons. On one hand, it may be connected with the joy of moving to a new house. On the other hand, you most probably need to find a family that will be willing to buy your house, accepting your price without attempting to significantly lower its value. Before the process of selling your house, consider making a few financially savvy modifications to your house and increase the amount you would like to receive for your property for future home selling.
Build an extension to increase space
One of the greatest issues lots of families need to face is the lack of space, both for storage or even for primary purposes, like eating together with their family, organising a movie night, or simply playing with their kids.
It’s not so easy to rebuild the house that you are going to sell anyway, but building an extension can significantly increase its value, even up to 15%. Choose which room in the house needs renovation or expansion of the space, or swap the functions of the rooms. An extension is a perfect place for an open-plan kitchen connected to your living room, with a glass roof to increase the amount of daylight.
If your house is suitable for a family with kids, think about building an extension that will serve as a playroom. Or how about transforming the extension into a winter garden, which will amaze the most demanding clients coming to your house? Consult a homebuyer financial adviser on how to invest wisely to prepare your house for future selling.
Parking Space
It might come as a surprise that selling a house with off-street parking could allow you to ask buyers for an additional £50,000. Given the challenge of finding parking in congested areas, a dedicated parking space can be considered one of the most significant advantages of a real estate property.
In the era of electric cars, the presence of electric vehicle charging facilities can further enhance the value of your property. As electric cars gain popularity, homeowners increasingly desire such amenities.
Renovate and refurbish the rooms
One of the most costly renovations at home is in the kitchen and bathroom, due to the cost of tiles, equipment, and furniture. These two rooms are also the most assessed ones by buyers, as they are aware of the awaiting responsibilities in case they don’t like the decor or furniture.
Start with replacing outdated appliances with modern and more ecological ones, and get rid of stained tiles to create a modern and stylish look. A full refurbishment of the kitchen is assessed for a £15,000 increase in your home value, while the bathroom can add up by 3 to 5%.
A garden as a home oasis
Focusing on the interior of the house cannot let you forget about the exterior. According to the survey by the Times, the value of the house can be increased by 2 to 3% by the work you do in the garden.
Start with simply cleaning it up, removing unnecessary and broken things, sweeping the leaves, and getting rid of old plants. Mow the grass, trim the bushes, and make your garden look neat and well-kept. Look at your door and the front of your house in the eyes of the potential buyer. Do they look attractive, or the person will feel negative about the house in the few first seconds in front of your property?
If there is a patio, think about creating a cosy sitting place there, with chairs, pillows, pot plants, and lots of candles around.
Syukuro Manabe and Klaus Hasselmann were awarded shares of the 2021 Nobel Prize in Physics for scientific work that is both understandable by non-scientists and critical to humanity’s recognition of risks born of human-induced climate change. We now know what they could not know when they started their work – the climatic changes that they revealed are irreversible in human timescales and they produce extreme events that are persistently increasing in frequency and potentially catastrophic intensity.
In October of 2021, Syukuro Manabe and Klaus Hasselmann were awarded a shared “Nobel Prize in Physics” with Giorgio Parisi for their “groundbreaking contributions to our understanding of complex systems”.1 In announcing their award and preparing an accessible document explaining their selection,2 the Prize Committee refocused the world’s attention on climate change by rewarding Manabe and Hasselmann more specifically for their “physical modelling of Earthʼs climate, quantifying variability and reliably predicting global warming”.
Ah! Wonderful. Finally, a physics award for something whose immediate importance to humanity can actually be understood by much of humanity in real time. The award is also reassuring to those who recall that an earlier Prize Committee had already awarded a share of the “Sveriges Riksbank Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel” to William Nordhaus in 2018 “for integrating climate change into long-run macroeconomic analysis”.3
The statistically significant Hasselmann “fingerprint” of human activity is the gap between the turquoise and orange ranges that started around the turn of the century.
This essay was designed to complement the documentation of the physics award provided by the Nobel Committee4 with contextual commentary that places their enormous contributions about the evolving role of climate modelling and climate science in the global discourse over at least three fundamental questions:
What do we actually know about the possibility and causes of a changing climate?
How can we possibly know those things without being able to run controlled experiments on a parallel planet where humans do not emit greenhouse gases?
And, so what if they do? Why has responding to climate change risk been called humanity’s greatest challenge?
The answers to these questions complicated, to be sure, but they can certainly be informed by a series of applied lessons (highlighted below in italics) drawn from the long careers of both pre-eminent scientists (and Nordhaus, for that matter).
1. Public discourse about climate risk is not new to the 21st century.
The modelling work that brought Manabe the Prize emerged in 1967 with the publication of Manabe and Wetherald5; Hasselmann started his work on climate change “fingerprints” in 1976.6 Nordhaus’s seminal work on the economics of climate change appeared in 1991.7 Enough said. Climate change is not the product of a recent and still speculative conspiracy from a small wing of the scientific community.
Manabe, for example, started down his path to the Prize by demonstrating that concentrations of CO2 could affect temperatures from the earth’s surface up to the atmosphere’s boundary with space, i.e., from the low-altitude troposphere up through the high-altitude stratosphere. He created and exercised a simple linear model in the 1960s that could, on the basis of then current but limited data and computer power, correlate the radiation balance of the planet, not only with respect to surface temperatures, but also with respect to the vertical transport of air masses for different concentrations of CO2.
Figure 1 Flow chart for the numerical time integration.
Figure 1 duplicates figure 2 in Manabe and Wetherald. It is their schematic of the modelling structure with which they were able to substantiate an intricate and new story. Incoming solar radiation heats the earth to a degree that is regulated by outgoing infrared heat radiation at a rate that depends positively on atmospheric concentrations of carbon dioxide. Latent heat warms the surface of the earth and thereby creates hot air that rises by convection into the upper regions of the atmosphere. This rising air transports water vapour skyward, but it does not stay aloft as a greenhouse gas. Instead, it condenses and falls back to earth when it reaches the colder upper regions of the stratosphere, and the condensation process itself cools its immediate environs.
2. It is possible and many times advantageous to use models to produce empirical estimates of critical climate parameters.
This sign-switching behaviour along the atmosphere’s vertical temperature gradient was news back then. So, too, were model-based estimates predicting that stratospheric temperatures would fall more than 2.25oC starting at an altitude of about 20 km at the same time as lower tropospheric temperature would rise by about 2.36oC at the surface if atmospheric concentrations of CO2 doubled from 300 ppm to 600 ppm. He could therefore report an estimate of an essential parameter called “climate sensitivity”b that currently lies just below the low end of the most recent distribution from the 2021 contribution of Working Group I to the Sixth Assessment Report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).8
Has the “falsifiable” prediction of discernable sign-switching across the atmospheric temperature column held up over time? Yes. At a time when the National Aeronautics and Space Administration was reporting that concentrations of CO2 were already 50 per cent higher than they were at the cusp of the industrial revolution (as opposed to 17 per cent higher than pre-industrial levels in 1967),9 the IPCC was concluding that:
“The troposphere has definitely warmed since at least the 1950s, and it is virtually certain that the stratosphere has cooled.
It is extremely likely that anthropogenic forcing, both from increases in greenhouse gas concentrations (combined with the depletion of stratospheric ozone) was the main driver of upper stratospheric cooling since 1979.
It is very likely that global mean stratospheric cooling will be larger for scenarios with higher atmospheric CO2 concentrations.”
These conclusions were reported with very high confidence, even though the National Oceanographic and Atmospheric Administration (NOAA) had long asserted that CO2 accounts for only 0.041 per cent of the atmosphere.10
3. Explanations of patterns in observed climate data are just as powerful in conducting “falsification” tests of a causality proposition for climate variables as the more usual explanations of observed trends.
To explore this insight explicitly, it is convenient to ask how well alternative explanations of a climate phenomenon have been doing in predicting both warming trends and associated patterns in other climate indicators. Not well, it turns out; they frequently cannot explain the associated patterns. For example, natural climate variability has never been able to explain Manabe’s sign-switching pattern for atmospheric temperatures, because temperatures at all levels of the atmosphere would have to warm in tandem, regardless of CO2 concentrations, for that explanation to hold water. Volcanoes, to take another proposed alternative from the 1960s, also fall well short of the mark, because their effects on temperatures are transient and also failed to switch signs along the vertical temperature gradient.
The value of focusing attention on attribution work about patterns as well as trends is one of the most important lessons to be drawn from Hasselmann’s pioneering research on what he calls “fingerprinting” – work from which a fourth lesson was born in 1976:
4. Human activity is the primary cause of detected warming, and so humanity itself is implicated directly as the source of nearly every climate change risk that it now faces.
Figure 2 Change in average annual global surface temperature. The jagged dark line tracks averages of observed temperature data. The coloured regions show simulated distributions using human and natural factors (pale orange) and only natural factors (turquoise). All three span the period 1850-2020.
Figure 2 replicates figure SPM.1 from the IPCC’s Sixth Assessment Report; it is the latest version of the iconic figure that has grown from Hasselmann’s rigorous analysis of the climate system. The jagged dark line running through the pale orange region represents average estimates of the anomalies in observed annual surface temperatures relative to the 1850-1910 average. The orange region reflects the inner-quartile range of temperature estimates for multiple runs of an ensemble of climate models that are driven by all of the hypothesised natural factors that affect temperatures and the additional forcing caused by the observed history of human factors – most notably, emissions of greenhouse gases like CO2. The turquoise region reflects results from the same collection of natural variation drivers from runs that omit all additional forcing from human factors.
What does this visual portrait of a well-founded counterfactual experiment tell us? Quite a bit, actually:
Manabe started his work during a climate era that was bookended by relatively high temperatures early and a rapid cooling episode caused by the Agung volcano. The 1970s were the start of a long-term positive trend in temperature anomalies that reached approximately 1.2oC by 2021.
The orange range spans the observed temperature averages for the entire series, but the turquoise range loses touch around 1980.
The turquoise range also loses touch with the orange range around the turn of the last century.
It is, though, the last insight on this list that has changed how humanity should think about the source of the warming that has been spreading climate risk around the world at an increasing rate for more than five decades. The statistically significant Hasselmann “fingerprint” of human activity is the gap between the turquoise and orange ranges that started around the turn of the century. Support for its interpretation is, with very high confidence, born of the simple fact that the observations line has meandered within the orange range for the entire 171-year historical record.
The statistically significant Hasselmann “fingerprint” of human activity is the gap between the turquoise and orange ranges that started around the turn of the century.
The Selection Committee for the 2021 Nobel Prize in Physics has done the planet a great service. By placing the imprimatur of the Nobel Prize on the work of Manabe and Hasselmann, they raised the credibility of one last simple lesson:
The earth is warming. Climate will change even more. Blame humanity.
Their work leads us to understand why the haiku is true, but there is now one important postscript that lies beyond the scope of their science: The poor will suffer most.
This article was originally published on 11 August 2022.
Gary Yohe is the Huffington Foundation Professor of Economics and Environmental Studies, Emeritus, at Wesleyan University in Connecticut. As a senior member of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change and convening lead author of multiple chapters and Synthesis Reports from 1997 through 2016, he shared the 2007 Nobel Peace Prize; and he served as vice-chair of the Third U.S. National Climate Assessment. e-mail: [email protected] website: gyohe.faculty.wesleyan.edu
Nordhaus, W. 1991. “To slow or not to slow: the economics of the greenhouse effect”. The Economic Journal 101:920-37. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2233864
Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) 2021. Climate change 2021 The physical science basis Summary for Policymakers.https://www.ipcc.ch/report/ar6/wg1/#SPM .
Nordhaus, W. 1991. “To slow or not to slow: the economics of the greenhouse effect”. The Economic Journal 101:920-37.https://www.jstor.org/stable/2233864
Gene therapy is one of the most fascinating areas of biotechnology, both in terms of the signals of success that are being made in the field right now and the possibilities that lie ahead.
The developments in technology that have made it possible to change the human immune system, control the distribution of nucleic acid, and define the scope of human genome manipulation have sparked the development of entirely new subfields within the field of a medical study.
Recent advances in gene therapy have provided a platform upon which further generations of technology can be built. The potential of gene therapy is the primary subject of this article.
How Gene Therapy Works
Sometimes a gene is defective or missing in all or in part from birth, or a gene might change or mutate as an adult. Any of these differences can interfere with the production of proteins, leading to illnesses or other health issues.
Depending on the issue at hand, scientists can use gene therapy to accomplish a variety of goals. They can add genes to help the body fight or treat disease, switch off genes that create issues, or replace a gene that causes a medical condition with one that doesn’t.
Scientists utilize a “vector,” genetically tailored to convey the gene, to directly introduce new genes into cells.
For instance, viruses can be utilized as vectors since they naturally possess the ability to transfer genetic material into cells. However, a virus must first be altered to remove its capacity to spread an infectious disease before being utilized to deliver therapeutic genes into human cells.
Cells inside or outside of the body can be modified using gene therapy. A doctor will perform the procedure within the body by injecting the vector containing the gene directly into the area of the body that has damaged cells.
In gene therapy, which modifies cells outside of the body, a patient’s blood, bone marrow, or other tissue can be removed, and in platforms like lentiviral vector company, particular cell types can be isolated. These cells are then provided with the vector containing the interest gene.
After being allowed to multiply in the lab, the cells are injected back into the patient, where they continue to grow and finally have the intended effect.
How Gene Therapy is Going to Change the World
Next-generation technologies are significantly increasing the impact of such medications on treating human disease, even while it is fascinating to think about how these early gene therapy triumphs might be generalized to other conditions and patient populations.
For instance, the immunological response to foreign transgenes and their products continues to be a major barrier to wider deployment. As a result, some of the most significant research will take place in the near future in immune system management.
In the near future, it will also be necessary to replace some expensive treatments for specific conditions with less expensive ones. The ability to evaluate the safety profiles of the treatment has been greatly exceeded by the rate of technological progress in genes.
According to current regulatory frameworks, a sizable sample of patients is necessary to demonstrate the treatment’s safety and effectiveness. For both common and unusual disorders, new genetic medicines will be created in the future. Similar to biologics, gene treatments are anticipated to experience major advancements in the years to come.
This article was originally published on 27 July 2022.
Current US protectionist policy proposals respond to the idea that international trade harms the manufacturing sector. Such a response ignores the positive role that trade agreements and other special trade programs play in actually creating a level of competitive advantage for various industries in specific markets. The article examines how trade policies impact industry competitiveness internationally.
Several US trade deals have been under attack for negatively affecting the US manufacturing sector in terms of its trade balance with the global market. The reason being is that production and employment have shifted to overseas markets with lower labour wages, which, in turn, results in lower production costs. In response, there have been calls for protectionist trade policies and withdrawing from signed trade deals, as in the case of the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) agreement. The underlying argument behind these policy proposals is misleading, because it ignores those cases in which an industry many not be globally competitive but is highly competitive in specific markets.
For instance, China is the number one exporter of textiles to the global market. However, in countries throughout Central America and the Caribbean, such as the Dominican Republic, apparel manufacturers mainly import the more expensive US textiles. This trend leads to the following question: why are some industries, which are not globally competitive, highly competitive in specific markets, although lower costs suppliers from other countries exist? The answer cannot be found in commonly accepted market and firm-based explanations alone. Instead, it is worthwhile to acknowledge other factors such as: 1) historical trade rules set under trade preference programs and trade agreements and 2) bargaining power within a trade relationship (Jackson 2016).1
The increase in the number of US trade deals from only two by the 1990s – US-Israel free trade agreement (1985) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (1994) – to 14 agreements with 20 countries demonstrates the significance of these rules in shaping competitiveness. If market conditions and firm strategy were the key factors that determined an industry’s ability to compete in general, then trade programs and agreements would not be important. However, through the use of special duty and quota-free market access, these trade programs and agreements provide a competitive advantage that an industry probably would not enjoy in any given market.
Industry competitiveness is measured by market share. In the case of textiles, the United States exported $14 billion worth to the world in 2015, which makes it the fourth top exporter to the global market. The US share of the global textile export market reached 4.8%, a decline from 7.1% in 2000, according to a 2016 World Trade Organization report. US operator costs per hour reached slightly under $20 in recent years.
The increase in the number of US trade deals from only two by the 1990s — US-Israel free trade agreement (1985) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) (1994) — to 14 agreements with 20 countries demonstrates the significance of these rules in shaping competitiveness.
China, on the other hand, is the number one exporter of textiles to the global market. In 2015, China exported $109 billion worth of textile to the global market. China accounts for 37% of textile exports to the world, a large increase from only 4.6% in 1980. Per a 2015 Werner International report, Chinese operator costs reached almost $3 per hour.
Market-based models, which include a focus on cost-competitiveness, would assume that apparel manufacturers in the Dominican Republic, for example, would purchase most of their textile inputs from the lower cost suppliers in China. However, an opposite outcome emerges upon examination of Dominican apparel sourcing behaviour, as well as that of apparel manufacturing throughout the rest of the Caribbean Basin.2 In 2015, the Dominican Republic, a top Caribbean Basin apparel exporter to the United States, imported 60% of its textiles from the United States compared to only 12% from China. More specifically, the US share of Dominican textile imports of cotton (HS 52), man-made staple fibres (HS 55), and knitted or crocheted fabrics (HS 60) ranged from 58% to 74%. China led in the specific textile category of wool, yarn, and woven fabric (HS 51)3 with a 73% share of Dominican imports of this item.
The US competitive advantage in the Dominican textile market goes as far back as the 1980s. In 1986, President Ronald Reagan established a Special Access Program known as 807A or Super 807, which refers to the tariff code provision under the Tariff Schedule of the United States that provides Guaranteed Access Levels (GALs) to Caribbean Basin producers. The GALs afforded Dominican apparel manufacturers special access to the US market in the form of higher quotas than originally allowed under its predecessor, 807. The duty-free provision of 807 remained under 807A. The ability to export a greater amount of apparel duty-free to the US market was quite significant for Dominican producers, because textile and apparel exports from developing to developed countries faced strict quotas under the 1974 Multi-fibre Arrangement (MFA).
Simultaneously, US textile producers benefitted from this special access program, because the GALs required the use of US formed and cut fabric in Dominican apparel in order for Dominican producers to enjoy unlimited quotas altogether. At the same time, the GALs did not provide US textile producers with duty-free access to the Dominican market. Nevertheless, the GALs created an incentive for Dominican apparel manufacturers who sought access to the US market to purchase mainly US textiles.
Another program established in 2000, the Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act (CBTPA), expanded US textile’s access to the Dominican apparel market and enhanced the benefits to Dominican apparel exporters to the United States. The CBPTA granted Dominican apparel exports to the United States duty-free access, provided that these exports consisted of US-cut fabric and, now, US yarn. Two years later, the Trade Act of 2002 added textiles dyed in the United States to the list of required inputs.
Following the implementation of these unilateral special access programs, US textile exports to the Dominican market increased from $75 million in 1993 to $464 million in 2003. Furthermore, US share of Dominican imports of textiles increased from 44% in 1993 to 81% in 2003.
The rules within the aforementioned trade programs, as well as the decision to reauthorise their benefits, are made by the United States. Therefore, the United States, a key trading partner for the Dominican Republic, has the power to shape the textile and apparel trade relationship between the two countries.
Another set of rules were established in 2004 when the Dominican Republic signed a trade deal with the United States, which became a part of the US-Central American Free Trade Agreement and is currently known as the Dominican Republic-Central American Free Trade Agreement (DR-CAFTA). Unlike the aforementioned trade access programs, the DR-CAFTA is a reciprocal trade agreement, in which all member countries enjoy duty and quota-free access to each other’s markets. For example, US textiles also enjoy duty-free access to the Dominican Republic and five Central American (Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica) markets. Additionally, apparel exports from the Dominican Republic and the five Central American countries can enter the US market duty-free, provided that they consist of textiles from DR-CAFTA member countries, not just the United States. Furthermore, DR-CAFTA is an agreement that emerged from formal negotiations between the United States, the Dominican Republic, and the participating Central American countries and was approved by the legislative branches in all seven countries. Following the signing of DR-CAFTA, US textile exports to the Dominican Republic actually dropped from $552 million in 2004 to $437 in 2015. The US share of Dominican textile imports decreased from 80% to 60% during the same period. Nevertheless, US textiles continue to account for the majority of Dominican textile imports.
The case of US-Dominican textile and apparel trade illustrates the importance of political economic factors in determining industry competitiveness in particular markets.
DR-CAFTA still exemplifies how these rules and bargaining power shape the ability for a country’s industry to be highly competitive in specific markets, albeit, not globally competitive. For instance, even with an emphasis on reciprocal treatment within DR-CAFTA, US textiles continue to dominate Dominican textile imports. This reality is due to the fact that the Dominican textile industry remains underdeveloped as a result of long-term incentives to purchase and use US textiles.
Whereas the actual DR-CAFTA textile and apparel rules involved negotiations between the United States and the Dominican Republic, negotiators for the latter country had minimal bargaining leverage. The US-Dominican trade talks involved a process referred to as “docking” onto the Central American agreement. A 2004 US Government Accountability Office report reads, “Although CAFTA will require 1 year to complete, the USTR [Office of US Trade Representatives] expects that docking the Dominican Republic onto the agreement will take considerably less time.” In other words, the rules as they apply to textile and apparel trade between the United States and the Dominican Republic are very similar to the earlier rules established between the five Central American countries and the United States. Therefore, little room existed for an in-depth negotiation, even though many Dominican producers preferred more flexible rules that would allow them to purchase yarn and fabric from lower cost manufacturers anywhere in the world. The Dominican Republic moved forward with DR-CAFTA, since the main focus of its apparel exporters was to maintain special access to the US market in the face of increased and fierce competition from China. By this time, China had joined the World Trade Organization and the MFA textile and apparel quotas were set to expire by January 1, 2005.
In sum, historical trade rules set by special access trade programs and agreements as well as bargaining power shape the decisions of importers in different markets. As a result, regardless of an industry’s ability to compete globally, exporters enjoy a competitive advantage that has been created in specific markets. The case of US-Dominican textile and apparel trade illustrates the importance of political economic factors in determining industry competitiveness in particular markets. Incorporating these factors into foreign trade policy discussions have the potential to lead to a more effective strategic approach to providing firms and industries with the 21st century tools that they need to compete in specific markets around the globe.
This article was originally published on 30 May 2017.
Sarita D. Jackson, Ph.D.is the founder, president and CEO of the Global Research Institute of International Trade (GRIIT), a think-tank/consulting firm emphasising trade policy analysis and advising businesses on using these policies to compete in the international market. Dr. Jackson also teaches business courses in the Department of Business, Management, and Legal Programs at UCLA Extension and in the Jack H. Brown College of Business and Public Administration at California State University San Bernardino. Her book, It’s Not Just the Economy, Stupid! Trade Competitiveness in the 21st Century, was published in 2016 by Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
Reference
1. Jackson, S. D. (2016). It’s Not Just the Economy, Stupid! Trade Competitiveness in the 21st Century. United Kingdom: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.
2. Caribbean Basin is a term used to describe the Central American and Caribbean countries that are eligible to receive the benefits offered by the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), a piece of legislation implemented in 1984 to provide preferential access to the US market for select goods. Textile and apparel were not included in the CBI.
3. HS refers to the Harmonized System, which sets an international classification standard for products and is used to determine import duty rates in countries around the world.
Do Israel’s ongoing military actions in the territory of the Gaza Strip have parallels in classic colonial behaviour, including the apartheid regime of South Africa? For Kalim Siddiqui, the evidence is clear.
I. Introduction
On 7 October 2023, Hamas militants broke out of the blockaded Gaza Strip, broke through the supposedly impregnable barriers, and attacked Israeli military bases and Jewish settlements, leading to the death of 1,200 people. This is what is now known about this horrific attack and massacre by Hamas militants. The Netanyahu government’s reaction has been full of revenge, rather than soul-searching. It seems that his government was looking for an opportunity to attack people in Gaza. We must understand that the occupiers cannot fight for self-defence against occupied people.
More than 1.8 million people, which is about 80 per cent of the Gaza population, have been driven from their homes, 20,600 Palestinians, including 8,000 children and 4,000 women, have been killed since October 7, and about 40,000 have been injured and 300 families have lost 10 or more members of their families. Over 6,000 are missing, many buried under the rubble. Israel has dropped more than 25,000 tonnes of explosives on Gaza, equivalent to the atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945. In the West Bank, more than 280 Palestinians have been killed since 7 October, and more than 3,000 injured, although the area is not controlled by Hamas. A leaked Israeli Ministry of Intelligence document of 13 October 2013 calls for the forcible and permanent transfer of 2.3 million Gaza residents to Egypt’s Sinai Desert.
In the mainstream US media, Israel is immune from criticism, for example on June 8, 1967, the USS liberty, an unarmed navy research ship, was attacked by Israeli fighter jets. The media coverage of attack was very little and lacked any critical analysis on the incident. Israeli attack resulted in the death of 34 people and 171 injured. The USS liberty was attacked by Israeli fighters and soon afterwords also torpedoed by the Israeli gunboats, while the USS liberty was in international waters, outside Egyptian coast in the Mediterranean Sea. It was a clear sunny day, whether conditions were very good. The US media did not criticise Israel for this incident, which could have provoked US attacks against Egypt.
Killing innocent people cannot be condoned, but we must understand the behaviour of caged people who have been dehumanised for decades, living under occupation and siege. In 2005, Israel withdrew from Gaza, but supported division among Palestinians and allowed money to be transferred from Qatar and others to Hamas in Gaza. Afterwards, Hamas was elected in Gaza and wanted to have an airport and a seaport, but Israel would not allow it.
The prime objective of the 7 October attack by Hamas was to break the blockade and to reignite the debate on the Palestine issue as, prior to this, there was a move to accept Israel by Saudi Arabia and other countries by ignoring the key issue in the region. And now the two-state solution is back in the international news. Another objective was to free thousands of Palestinians from Israeli prisons, especially women and children. A further factor was the desecration of the Al-Aqsa Mosque, the third-holiest shrine of Islam, by Israeli soldiers. They started beating the Palestinian worshippers while they were praying inside the mosque. It seems that the Hamas attack was well planned and achieved all of its key goals. Israel is fully exposed, with their mass killing of women and children and relentless dropping of bombs on Gaza.
Israel withdrew from Gaza, but supported division among Palestinians and allowed money to be transferred from Qatar and others to Hamas in Gaza.
Intellectual honesty is crucial to reaching the truth. In occupied land, Israel is making life extremely difficult for Palestinians and hopes they will finally leave. Let us briefly explain Gaza. Gaza is a narrow coastal strip where about 2.3 million people live between the Mediterranean, Israel, and Egypt, with an area measuring 365 square kilometres, or 141 square miles. In 2005, the Israeli army is said to have formally dismantled settlements and withdrawn from the Gaza Strip. But instead of having actual occupation, Israel imposed a blockade and exercised effective control of Gaza. All access points to the Gaza Strip are controlled by Israel, with the exception of the Rafah crossing with Egypt, which coordinates with Israel to manage it. Gaza’s entire population depends on Israel for their basic supplies of food, water, and electricity. Their ability to travel, within and outside Gaza, depends on Israeli permits. That is why the Gaza Strip is often referred to as “the world’s largest open-air prison”. People are trapped and brutalised, and nearly 60 per cent of children in Gaza are malnourished and living under inhuman conditions, so that the residents of Gaza have every right to break this siege (Amnesty International, 2022).
Israel’s attack is the last desperate measure of a settler colonial project that foolishly thinks, as many settlers’ colonial projects have in the past, that it can crush the resistance of an indigenous population with genocide. But even Israel will not get away with killing on this scale. A generation of Palestinians, many of whom have seen most, if not all, of their families killed and their homes and neighbourhoods destroyed, will carry within them a lifelong thirst for justice and retribution.
Israel is the world’s tenth-largest arms exporter, while its high tech and weapons are sold to an estimated 130 nations, including military dictatorships in Asia and Latin America. Israeli had weapons sales of US$12.5 billion last year. It has built a close relationship between its military internal security surveillance, intelligence gathering, and law enforcement agencies and many countries, which explains the support Israel receives for its genocidal campaign in Gaza.
At present, Israel is the strongest military power in the region and its conventional forces are far superior to its Arab neighbours. The US always makes sure to do everything to support Israeli military superiority over its neighbours. And it is the only country with nuclear warheads. Egypt and Jordan have signed peace treaties with Israel. Gulf monarchies have already normalised relations with Israel, and Saudi Arabia is trying find any excuse to recognise Israel, despite Israel’s continued occupation of land taken in the 1967 Israel-Palestine war and increasing human rights violations in the occupied territories. Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies fear that annoying the US could lead to freezing their dollar assets, which amount to trillions of dollars in the US banks (Siddiqui, 2020a), and hostility with the West could endanger their hold on power and the status quo, while Iraq and Syria have been devastated by US invasions and civil wars.
We must examine the Palestinians’ plight and suffering since the Zionist settler project was installed in the first quarter of the 20th century. The neighbouring Arab dictatorial regimes were created and supported by the British as neocolonial outposts in the naturally rich Middle East region. Arab countries’ reaction to the Palestine misery and desperation has been limited to mild condemnation and mere lip service, rather than any concrete measures to end the Israeli blockade of Gaza (Chomsky, 2015). All Arab rulers have long abandoned the Palestinian people. Egypt wants the status quo, so the country continues to receive US aid. The Arab states are very dubious about their commitment to Palestine. Their words and deeds do not match, their condemnation of Israeli aggression is largely rhetorical, and they are quite happy to compromise the Palestinian struggle. There is a lot of animosity and conflict among them. For instance, Egypt hates Hamas because Hamas was born out of the Muslim Brotherhood, and General Sisi took power in Egypt with the full blessing of the US and the neighbouring Arab countries, and it was seen by them to be essential to prevent a Muslim Brotherhood government from running Egypt.
The Palestinian conflict could become a regional war and may turn into a world war, leading to mutually assured self-destruction (MAD). Therefore, it is important to critically examine this conflict and provide an alternative policy for peace. Looking at the past hundred years of experience of the developed countries (i.e., the North), there is little hope. But the Global South (former colonies) can stand up in support of Palestinian people (Siddiqui, 2020b; also Siddiqui, 2024) and their struggle for self-determination and the return of refugees (Pappé, 2006). Although UN Resolution 194 clearly says that Palestinian refugees have the right to return home, in 1948 and 1967 Palestinians were forced to leave their homes. As Pappé argues, “Denying people the right of return to their homeland, and at the same time offering this right to others who have no connection to the land, is a model of undemocratic practice” (Pappé, 2017). Israel was created by then-imperialist power Britain to serve imperial interests in the region, and later the US extended its full financial and military support in favour of the colonial settler project. Of course, instability and war in the Middle East also benefited greatly the defence industries in the West to sell and test their weapons, who have gained strong lobby groups and corrupted the Western governments and institutions.
Moreover, the genocide in Gaza is a century-long policy of ethnic cleansing of Palestine, and it is true for all settler colonial projects to steal land, water, and natural resources. Genocide lies at the core of Western imperialism. It is the dominant block of Western domination, and it is not unique to Israel or the earlier Nazi regime, but it is a building block and key ingredient of Western domination. When those under occupation do not submit and continue to resist occupation, then Israel claims the moral superiority to be doing good to all and claiming to spread democracy, freedom, and equality to all, but in reality never meant to grant these to the oppressed. Israel’s colonial project was founded on lies that Palestine was an empty land. At present, Israel’s stealing of natural resources includes land, water, and natural gas on the Gaza marine coast, which could contain 1 trillion cubic feet of gas, and it does have other, huge natural resources.
During the early 20th century, the British wanted to establish a little “Ulster”, loyal to serve imperial interests in the Middle East region, which had the shortest land route to South Asia, to control naturally rich resources in the region. The British divided Palestine without asking the native people who lived there (Said, 1980).
The Oslo peace process did not promise to create a viable sovereign Palestinian state, but instead accepted the creation of a regional autonomy for Palestinians in which they would have autonomy over the territories of 21 per cent of the West Bank. The Palestinians were given power to look after their security and policing the population, but with no sovereignty (Khalidi, 2013). Over the past two decades, the Palestinian authority has been concerned with policing and had the responsibility to maintain law and order, but the Israeli police can raid Palestinian houses any time without any consent from Palestinian authority (Pappé, 2017).
The continuous rise in the settler population in the occupied lands of the West Bank and East Jerusalem and the construction of a 709-km separation wall, which divides the Palestinian territories into 12 disconnected geographical areas, had destroyed any prospect of establishing a viable Palestinian state. Moreover, on the West Bank, the Israelis have built 100 checkpoints and 400 temporary obstructions to make Palestinian mobility nearly impossible. And hence the territorial fragmentation has destroyed any possibility of the emergence of a viable Palestinian state.
Figure 2: Israeli settlers in the Occupied Territories.
Figure 3: Illegal Israeli Settlements, 1972-2018.
For more than a decade, the long negotiations between Israel and Palestine have remained at a stalemate, but even during the 1990s Oslo peace, Israel continued to expand settlements in the occupied lands (see Figure 1 and Figure 2). Even former President Jimmy Carter (2006) emphasised that the Oslo interim agreement was an apartheid solution, not for an independent Palestinian state. The US has talked about a two-state solution but has so far been unwilling to put any pressure to end the expansion of settlements and remove separation barriers on Palestine lands or dismantle check points and remove bypass roads only for settlers (see Figure 3). “And therefore, we should acknowledge that the Oslo process was not a fair and equal pursuit of peace, but a compromise agreed to by a defeated, colonised people” (Pappé, 2017).
Israeli democracy is only for Jews, not for Arabs who are Israeli citizens and face discrimination. Moreover, these Israeli Arabs constitute 22 per cent of the country’s population within Israel. Another four million Arab Palestinians live in occupied lands and regularly face discrimination and even attack and harassment by settlers. “The litmus test of any democracy is the level of tolerance it is willing to extend towards the minorities living in it. In this respect, Israel falls far short of being a true democracy” (Pappé, 2017).
Israeli’s siege, discrimination, and apartheid policy had made Palestinian life miserable and in 2021, the West Bank and Gaza per capita income was less than 13% compared to Israel and since then their income has even fallen further (See Figure 4). Furthermore, many years of isolation has left the Gaza’s per capita income even much less than the West Bank’s, due to the Israeli-imposed blockade and bombings. (See Figure 5).
Figure 4: Per capita income in Israel and West Bank/Gaza, 1995-2023
Source: Author; data from World Bank
Figure 5: Economic Differences between the West Bank and Gaza.
Source: IMF, 2023
At Camp David, Israel offered the Palestinian delegation the very small and vague promise that most settlers would be allowed to stay under Israeli jurisdiction, while Israel would be able to retain all of East Jerusalem and de facto control over Masjid-Aqsa, and also most of the water aquifers and productive lands in the West Bank. The Palestinians were offered a fragmented West Bank, no access to water, and the land would be divided into three regions separated from each other by Israeli territories (Carter, 2006). Even after the failure of Camp David in 2000, Arafat was flexible and continued to talk with Israel, but it ended when Ariel Sharon came to power.
The misery and hardship began for the Palestinian people in 1948 with the expulsion and flight of the 750,000 Arab population (Pappé, 2006), which has been described as “Nakba”, or catastrophic. European colonies, too, have experienced dramatic change in people’s lives after colonisation. For example, India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Egypt, and Kenya have been profoundly affected by colonialism (Siddiqui, 2022a), and not colonisers or their society.
British intervention began with Sykes-Picot Agreement (1916) and the Balfour Declaration (1917) were aimed to serve imperial interests, which completely ignored the Palestinian peoples and their rights (Siddiqui, 2019). In 1922, League of Nations formally approved British Mandate to control over Palestine, this Mandate incorporated the Balfour Declaration which provided an opportunity to the establishment of a Jewish home in Palestine. Moreover, Britian had concerned over the security of the Suez Canal and sea route to India. In the 1920s it was viewed that Zionist settlers would best serve the British imperial interests.
While in the US, on 10 November 1945, the Arab diplomats from four countries met with the US President Truman and drew his attention to the growing crisis in British-administrated Palestine in the Middle East. President Truman responded to their concerns over US policy regarding Palestinian and said, “I am sorry, gentleman, but I have to answer to hundreds of thousands who are anxious for the success of Zionism: I do not have hundreds of thousands of Arabs among my constituents” (Said, 1980). Prior to the Second World War, US presidents did not lift a finger to save those Jews who could have been saved before they were murdered by the Nazis.
Since the discovery of oil, Saudi Arabia has been too dependent on the US for its security, defence, and diplomatic support and was unable to raise questions about US policy in the Middle East. Saudi Arabia remained a staunch supporter of the US, irrespective of what it has done to the Palestinians (Siddiqui, 2019).
In December 1948, the US voted with a large majority in favour of General Assembly Resolution 194, which promised that the 750,000 Palestinian refugees who had fled their homes due to Israeli militia terror would have the right to return, and they would be compensated for their losses. However, since then, the US has never made any serious effort or put pressure on Israel to see that this resolution is implemented.
II. Israeli Aggression Against Innocent Civilians
It makes little sense when Israel is massacring Palestinians and starving them and bombing their schools and hospitals. Israel’s response to 7 October is not selective to go after Hamas, rather than punishing the whole Palestinian population. Gaza is a very densely populated area and Hamas is integrated within the population and it has no land to build military bases away from Gaza. They have built tunnels under the whole of Gaza. This is a way to protect themselves from Israeli bombing. It is due to the small geographical area (The Guardian, 2023).
Israel claimed that underneath Al Shifa hospital a Hamas command centre was located and operated through network of tunnels but, once they occupied the hospitals, they could not prove it and no such network was found, and their claim was a big lie. Under the pretext of Hamas using these facilities, Israel has bombed several hospitals and schools and thousands of civilians have died (The Financial Times, 2023).
Gaza is a very densely populated area and Hamas is integrated within the population and it has no land to build military bases away from Gaza.
The US is shipping huge amounts of US weapons to Israel to be dropped to kill Palestinians. Youth views on Palestine and Israel are changing and the American people are taking part in rallies in large numbers to oppose Israel’s bombing on Gaza. President Biden’s approval rate fell sharply during the Gaza war, with people disapproving of his uncritical support of Israel. Israel claims that if Hamas is eliminated, then there will be peace between Israelis and Palestinians, but why there was no peace before 1987 when Hamas was not there?
Israel should not be seen as a democratic state, as its policy towards Palestine is far from democratic norms and the world ought to consider taking concrete measures to impose economic, financial, and diplomatic sanctions against Israel’s inhuman and undemocratic policy towards the indigenous population, i.e. Palestinians, as was the case with apartheid South Africa in the 1980s.
The world in general and Arab countries in particular have failed to stand up to Israel’s aggression against occupied people through concrete actions. The deep-seated Palestinian tragedy encapsulates almost all forms of human suffering that oppressors could possibly inflict on their victims and, thus, it is a sort of textbook written in victims’ blood. These crimes vary from settler colonialism, uprooting the indigenous population, military occupation, racism, and the daily humiliation of Palestinians, which naturally evokes violence against injustice and oppression.
Under such circumstances, a two-state solution is not a realistic possibility. Israel is determined to create a Greater Israel that includes Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, only for Jews. The problem Israel is facing that there are nearly 7.3 million Israeli Jews and also there are approximately 7.3 million Palestinians inside the Greater Israel. And that creates huge difficulties for Israel to achieve its goal of making the country exclusively for Jews. They cannot have a meaningful democracy when there are the same number of Palestinians as Jews, so that Israel is unwilling to accept a two-state solution. The current Netanyahu government is not in favour of pursuing a two-state solution. In fact, Israel is not interested on such an idea after the Camp David talk between Arafat and Barak failed in 2000. The crisis can only be solved politically, not militarily. Israel is an apartheid state, as Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, and leading human rights organisations inside Israel produced major reports referring to Israel as an apartheid state. It cannot claim to be democratic when Palestinians, half of its population, do not have equal rights.
The United Nations Declaration of Human Rights on equality is celebrating 75 years this year, but irony is that, in the same year, Nakba and apartheid were legalised in Israel with the full support of Western countries, while hypocritically talking about equality and the rule of law for all. Human Rights Watch notes, “About 6.8 million Jewish Israelis and 6.8 million Palestinians live today between the Mediterranean Sea and Jordan River, an area encompassing Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territory (OPT), the latter made up of the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, and the Gaza Strip. Throughout most of this area, Israel is the sole governing power; in the remainder, it exercises primary authority alongside limited Palestinian self-rule. Across these areas and in most aspects of life, Israeli authorities methodically privilege Jewish Israelis and discriminate against Palestinians. Laws, policies, and statements by leading Israeli officials make plain that the objective of maintaining Jewish Israeli control over demographics, political power, and land has long guided government policy. In pursuit of this goal, authorities have dispossessed, confined, forcibly separated, and subjugated Palestinians by virtue of their identity to varying degrees of intensity” (Human Rights Watch, 2021).
Since 1967, Israel has facilitated the transfer of Jewish settlers to occupied territories and granted them a superior status compared to Palestinians living in the same area, for instance regarding civil rights, access to land, and freedom to move, and to build extend houses. While Palestinians have a limited degree of self-rule in parts of the occupied territories, in fact Israel retains full control over the borders, airspace, the movement of people and goods, security, and the registry of the entire population (Chomsky and Pappé, 2010).
The Israeli Knesset in 2018 passed a law with constitutional status affirming Israel as the “nation-state of the Jewish people”. The government also took measures to ensure Jewish domination, including a state policy of “separation” of Palestinians and Jews between the West Bank and Gaza, which prevents the movement of people and goods for Palestinians within the occupied territories and “Judaisation” of areas with significant Palestinian populations, including Jerusalem, as well as Galilee and the Negev. The aim is to maximise Jewish control over land, push Palestinians outside, and restrict their access to land and housing (Amnesty International, 2022).
Hamas is a group which operates within Greater Israel, and Gaza has been under siege and totally under Israeli control for more than 17 years. Hamas is a resistance movement, not a state, and operates as a group inside Israel. Hamas is not a threat to Israel’s existence as portrayed by the Western media (Finkelstein, 2018).
III. Lobby and Interest Groups
The US has a special relationship with Israel that has no parallel in the recent past, and no matter what Israel does, the US endorses it. Without US military and economic aid and diplomatic support, Israel cannot survive. The pro-Israel lobby group is very powerful in the US and works very hard to push the US to support Israel. The lobby group has enormous financial power and, because of this, they are able to formulate the US policy to benefit Israel. The American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) is the largest pro-Israel influence in the US and has been effectively lobbying the US political elites, government officials, and media. Another major lobby group, Christians United for Israel (CUFI), expresses unequivocal support for US security assistance to Israel.
These pro-Israeli lobby groups in the US are very powerful and push policy exclusively to favour Israel, preventing the US from taking a firm stand in support of a two-state solution. Mearsheimer and Walt (2007: 311) argue that in the US, government officials compete to “outdo their colleagues by showing that their pro-Israel credentials are stronger than the next guy’s”. US officials who worked in the White House, such as Dennis Ross, Martin Indyk, and many more, are known to be Zionists and staunch supporters of Israel’s expansionist policy. These very people were appointed as top advisors in the White House and also to negotiate with the Palestinians. The lobby is to convince individuals and organisations to push US policy in a pro-Israel direction and to support Israel no matter what the country does (Mearsheimer and Walt, 2007).
The Israel lobby even encouraged the US to go to war with Iraq and sought to convince the Bush administration to attack Iraq well before the 9/11 attack. Israeli lobbying to influence US policy has been very successful, as Khalidi (2013: 45) states: “Both Israeli and its outspoken American supporters have gone so far to the right that American ‘support for Israel’ is now taken by them to mean unquestioning support for expanding colonisation of West Bank and Arab East Jerusalem.”
Israel has been the largest recipient of US direct military and economic assistance, receiving US$3 billion in direct assistance annually, nearly 20 per cent of total US foreign aid and worth more than $500 annually for every Israeli citizen.
Since the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, Israel has been the largest recipient of US direct military and economic assistance, receiving US$3 billion in direct assistance annually, nearly 20 per cent of total US foreign aid and worth more than $500 annually for every Israeli citizen. This is striking, since Israel is a developed country with a per capita income higher than that of Spain. The US subsidises Israel with billions of dollars of annual aid and Israel uses this money against Palestinians in occupied territories, reducing the indigenous Arab population through forcing them to leave their homes, transferring the Arab population and crushing their national uprising.
Moreover, the US aid is given to recipient countries for military purposes, which requires that the aid should be spent in the US, but Israel is allowed to use 25 per cent of the aid to subsidise its own defence industry. Israel is not supposed to provide accounts for where the money is being spent and has used the US money to fund building settlements in occupied lands in West Bank, which the US has recognised as illegal. Israel has also access to top weapon technology from the US, such as Black Hawk helicopters and F-16 jets. The US also gives Israel access to intelligence which it even denies to NATO allies and turned a blind eye to Israel’s acquisition of nuclear weapons.
Now that a large proportion of Gaza’s population is starving and there is no international pressure or any sort of accountability, there is no evidence that the US is putting any pressure on Israel to change its policy. Regarding influencing and shaping US policies on the Middle East, two prominent US academics, namely Mearsheimer and Walt (2007), argue that Israeli lobbying dominates US Middle East policy. They emphasise that US support for Israel is destructive and serves little to safeguard its interests. The Israeli lobby group spends a huge amount of money in the form of electoral contributions, and they also have a huge influence on the mass media and ensure that the mainstream Western media coverage on Israel favours Israeli government views. Prominent US-based think tanks such as the American Enterprise Institute, Brookings, and others always project Israel as a democratic state and try to hide its crimes against Palestinians. These institutions are very biased against Palestinians, and they dominate public discourse in the US. Moreover, there are a large number of Jews in the US Congress and Senate, and top government advisors in the White House who are known for their sympathies for Israel.
It seems that Israel needs a strong lobby in the US to protect the country’s existence during the growing support for Palestinians, especially in the Global South. Israel still has support among the elites in the Global North.
During the peace talks in Oslo, it was revealed that the US is not a neutral broker. Edward Said (2007) was very critical of peace talks between the Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat and the Israeli Prime Minister, Yitzhak Rabin. He denounced the accord as “an instrument of Palestinian surrender, a Palestinian Versailles”. In his view, an old, exhausted, and weak Palestinian leadership had succumbed to American and Israeli blandishments and pressure. Said (2007) wrote, “This was a declaration made by a European power … about a non-European territory … in a flat disregard of both the presence and wishes of the native majority resident in that territory.” Edward Said argued that criticism of Zionism should not be equated with anti-Semitism, nor the struggle for Palestinian rights conflated with support for the Saudi royal family and other Arab tyrannies (Said, 2007).
Indeed, the US has cemented its alliance even closer with Zionists and become a junior partner. The Oslo peace process was an attempt to incorporate the conquered land taken during the 1967 Arab Israeli War into Israel, while giving a limited autonomy and self-governance to the Palestinians, without any provision of sovereignty. The Oslo process failed but created an illusion of something genuine taking place, but it was simply helping to restructure the Israeli occupation. The aim was to place the Palestinians nominally outside of Israeli responsibility, though Israel would maintain control of the land and the supposedly “autonomous” areas (Khalidi, 2013).
The Palestinian Authority was to administer in the education and health of Palestinians while acting as their main interface with the Israeli state and army. Israel’s approach was, thus, to quote Israeli economist Arie Arnon, “neither two nor one”. They wanted neither a one-state solution, where Israelis and Palestinians would be part of a single political entity, nor the emergence of an independent Palestinian state alongside Israel. Instead, there was constant vacillation between the two alternatives. It seems that, under the current circumstances, a one-state solution, in which all citizens have equal rights in a single polity rather than struggling for a separate state, is the only democratic solution available to resolve the conflict between the Palestinian and Israeli people.
IV. A Century-Long Colonial Settler War
Settler colonialism is a form of exogenous domination typically organised or supported by an imperial authority. Settler colonialism was especially prominent in the colonial empires of the European powers between 1600 and 1945. The settling of the Boers in South Africa, and European colonialisation and expansion in the Americas are classic examples of settler colonialism. Settler colonialism is an ongoing system of power that perpetuates the genocide and repression of indigenous peoples and cultures. Essentially hegemonic in scope, settler colonialism employed violence to establish continuous settler occupation, exploiting lands and resources with which indigenous peoples had had a long relationship. Settler colonialism includes interlocking forms of oppression, including racism, ethnic supremacy, and superior weapons. This is because settler colonisers are Euro-centric and assume that European values are inevitably morally superior to those of the Palestinian ethnic population.
The 18th and 19th centuries had witnessed the emergence of two different paradigms of colonialism. The first of these, of which India was the classic example, involved the conquest of countries which then was the world’s largest economy and exporter of cotton textiles and spices, had a history of established central administrations that were sustained by established systems of surplus extraction, and the replacement of those old administrations by colonial regimes. The essence of this colonialism was, apart from finding a market for European goods at the expense of local craftsmen, the expropriation of this surplus and its shipment back to the metropolis (i.e., Britain) in the form of commodities that the metropolis needed. There was very little migration of European population to India and other colonies which were already well populated and whose location in the tropics discouraged such migration from the temperate location of the metropolis.
The other paradigm, of which the US was the classic example, involved the conquest of territories where the local population was driven out of their land, which was occupied by settlers from the metropolis. The essence here was migration from the metropolis and the taking over of the land (and other assets) from the local inhabitants, who were either decimated or herded into “reservations”, such as in North America. I shall call these paradigms “expropriative colonialism” and “settler colonialism” respectively.
The essence here was migration from the metropolis and the taking over of the land (and other assets) from the local inhabitants, who were either decimated or herded into “reservations”, such as in North America.
The difference between the two consisted in the fact that, in one case, colonialism took away the products of the land; in the other case, it took away the land itself. This, however, had an important implication: in the first case, it needed the local population to work on the land; if it expropriated too large a portion of the products of the land, then the local population got starved, as occurred in British India in the form of the recurring famines. But then it also had to take some ameliorative measures so that enough people survived to produce the surplus that it needed to expropriate. In the case of settler colonies, however, there was no such compelling need to preserve a local population, especially if the scale of immigration from Europe was large enough. Settler colonialism, therefore, was typically associated with ethnic cleansing, and often with genocidal ethnic cleansing.
There was another important feature of settler colonialism. It tended to be expansionary, in the sense that the land occupied by the settlers kept expanding. This happened when there was continuing immigration into the region; but it happened even otherwise, until either a natural limit was reached to the land that could be occupied, or the boundaries of a strong adjacent state presented an obstacle to any further occupation.
All this, one would have normally thought, belonged to the past. While imperialism remains a reality under capitalism, colonialism is no longer a brutal occupation, as was the case in the 18th and 19th centuries in the Global South (Siddiqui, 2018). However, Israel is a classic example of settler colonialism in the contemporary period. The Jews had been a persecuted religious and ethnic minority for centuries in Europe, and Britain passed the Aliens Act in 1905 to deny entry to Jewish immigrants escaping persecution from Eastern European countries. In contrast, Jews had lived for thousand years in the Arab countries in peace and harmony, and they were always considered to be part of Arab land and culture. Historically, Jews had lived among Arabs as equal citizens, without any fear and some Jews even were part of the ruling elites in Morocco and other Arab countries. The persecution of Jews reached its horrendous proportions in the Holocaust in Germany by the Nazis. They were encouraged by the British to migrate to Palestine and were able to set up the Zionist state of Israel in 1948. Soon, immigrant Jews started to display all the features of settler colonialism, from its intrinsic expansionary tendency, with armed settlers from the country being encouraged to move to newer areas like the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, to its propensity for ethnic cleansing and, now, even resorting to genocide.
All settler colonialism is characterised by a regime of apartheid. Israeli settler colonialism would not have taken off without the solid backing of Western imperialism. For imperialists, it is first of all a way of overcoming all sense of guilt over centuries of persecution of Jews. Imperialist countries are absolving themselves of guilt at the expense of the Palestinian population. And for the Israeli Right, the centuries of persecution, and above all the Holocaust, provide a kind of cover for settler colonialism. Any criticism of this colonialism and its associated phenomena, like apartheid, expansionism, ethnic cleansing, and even genocide, is immediately branded as “antisemitism”, which makes it obviously abominable because of its association with the history of pogroms and, more recently, with Nazism.
The conflict between the Palestinians and Israel, which has reached a terrifying crescendo with the savage obliteration of Gaza, is the outcome of a 100-year colonial occupation by Jewish Zionists in Israel backed by major imperial powers, starting with the British and, a century later, with the United States. This century-long assault by Israel has one objective – to force an indigenous people from their land. According to Khalidi (2021), the first is the British support for Jewish Zionists during the British occupation of Palestine from 1917 and 1939. The second declaration of war is the 1947-48 Nakbeh, or catastrophe, when Zionist militias ethnically cleansed 750,000 Palestinians from historic Palestine and carried out a series of massacres. The third is the 1967 war, when Israel seized the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza and expelled another 250,000 Palestinians. The fourth declaration of war on Palestine was Ariel Sharon’s invasion of Lebanon and the siege of Beirut, followed by the departure of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) fighters to Tunisia and the 1982 massacre at the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps. Arab leaders failed to offer meaningful support to the Palestinians. In fact, these leaders often colluded with Israel to weaken the Palestinian resistance movement (Khalidi, 2021).
In December 2000, US President Bill Clinton invited both Israel and Palestinian leaders to a meeting to resolve the Palestinian-Israeli conflict. There were few major issues between Israel and Palestine to be resolved. Where was the border line to be drawn between Israel and Palestine? The Palestinians accepted the UN position that the border line should be drawn where it was before June 1967, meaning that the whole of the West Bank, Gaza, and East Jerusalem would form an independent Palestinian state beside Israel. All international bodies including the International Court of Justice and UN General Assembly accepted, while Israel rejected this proposal and wanted to keep all these occupied lands. Israel did not accept the right of the Palestinian refugees and descendants since 1948 and 1967 to return home. International law states that refugees have the right to return to their homes after the cessation of hostilities. On these major issues, the Palestinians were ready to make concessions, but not the Israelis. Bill Clinton and his wife Hillary do not tell the truth about the negotiations between Israel and Palestine. Every year in the UN General Assembly, the Palestine issues are brought up and the whole world, i.e., 190 countries, vote in favour of the Palestinian position, while a handful of member countries such as Israel, the US, Pulao, and tiny Pacific islands vote in favour of Israel. Israel and the US are totally isolated in the UN General Assembly.
Indeed, Israel is not an imperialist power like Britain, France, Germany, or the US, but it is very much an outpost and a product of imperialism. Unless we understand the historical background of Israel and Palestine, we will not be able to comprehend what is happening today in the current round of the Israel-Palestine conflict. The brief account from Marx’s analysis of capitalism to Lenin’s theory of imperialism may serve as a useful backgrounder, to bring forth the awareness that imperialism is still alive and kicking in the world today. What we are witnessing in Gaza or are going to witness in Gaza is another destructive war launched by imperialism, just as imperialism launched its war against Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya and destroyed these countries and reduced it to rubble.
Israeli aggression is ideologically motivated and aimed at driving the Palestinians from their lands. So, Israel systematically cut down their olive trees, as they are the source of livelihoods throughout Palestine. They force Palestinians off their land and homes, occupying and illegally using them. This process has accelerated. They have little choice but either to face daily humiliation and live in poverty or stand up and fight. After 7 October in the West Bank, within eight weeks, 270 Palestinians, including 56 children, were killed by the Israeli security forces and armed settlers.
I would like to state that Palestinians are occupied and the Israelis are occupiers and colonisers. The US itself was British colony and the American people fought to free their countries in 1776. British had enriched themselves by plundering the colonies in the past. When Europeans invaded America, they annihilated the natives, as Israel is doing in the 21st century and it is all before the media and press.
Zionism is based on an ethnic supremacy state. Ethnic cleansing is an operation where one ethnic group is replaced by force by another group. Zionism wants to have as much of the Palestinian territories with as few native inhabitants as possible. The Palestinian struggle is for liberation and the fight against occupation. There is a difference between the violence of a colonising power and the violence of colonised people. Israel was created by force of colonialism and imperialism (Chomsky and Pappé, 2010).
The stacked column Figure 6 shows the annual US aid to Israel from 1951 to 2022, categorised by whether it was economic or military aid. The majority of aid given since the 1960s has been military aid, which is around $3.3 billion per year, except in 1974 and 1979, when it was more than $15 billion. Economic aid has historically been less than $5 billion per year, and has fallen to less than $1 billion per year since 2004. In 2023, Biden requests an additional $14.3 billion in aid.
Figure 6: US economic and military aid to Israel, 1951–2023
Israel’s two-tier criminal injustice system is itself one of the most blatant examples of its version of apartheid. Only Jewish Israelis, including settlers, are subject to ordinary civilian or even criminal law; all Palestinians are subject instead to a separate system of military law, in which soldiers and military tribunals become judge, jury, and executioner. The documented conviction rate for Palestinians post-arrest is 99 per cent. Moreover, under Israel’s military law, any Palestinian, including children, can be seized for pre-trial “administrative detention” and held for up to 75 days without being charged. During this time, detainees are vulnerable to physical and verbal abuse, including torture, beatings, solitary confinement, forced confessions, and being denied visitors for weeks or months on end.
Since 1967, the Israeli military has arrested and detained nearly 800,000 Palestinians, equivalent to 20 per cent of the entire Palestinian population and 40 per cent of all males. This means that virtually every Palestinian family has members who are currently, or have been, imprisoned, and that the struggle against the insidious Israeli penal system is indistinguishable from the Palestinian struggle for freedom. As a result, periodic hunger strikes by prisoners have long been one of the most common and widely practised forms of Palestinian popular resistance, with mothers and other family members, activists, and organisations expressing solidarity through protest marches (Khalidi, 2013).
Regarding the arrest of children by Israel, it is a unique human rights abuse. Israel is the only country in the world that systematically prosecutes, each year, between 500 and 700 children as young as 12 in military courts. Children in detention are subjected to physical and psychological torment, separation from parents or lawyers, beatings, solitary confinement, and forced confessions. Indeed, Israel’s criminal injustice system permeates Palestinian families, making their daily lives a state of siege. The process of carrying out detentions normalises human rights violations that brutalise entire families and communities. Soldiers routinely make raids at night, enter houses with dogs and lasers looking for “suspects”, traumatise children, and take people away to unknown detention sites. In one case in 2021, a 17-year-old Palestinian boy with life-threatening medical conditions was ordered rearrested by the military prosecutor and sentenced to six months of administrative detention for allegedly throwing stones.
Israel has advanced and technological surveillance – cameras, biometrics, spyware embedded in social media apps, drones – to control dissent and what it sees as the pervasive threat of terrorism. However, the important customer for these technologies seems to be often authoritarian governments and also being used on Palestinians by local militarised police forces. This surveillance and the militarisation of daily life haunt Palestinian children at every turn: the constant fear of night raids or the arrest of parents, siblings, and friends; the confinement to restricted neighbourhoods or crowded streets of refugee camps, without any space to play; above all, the need for constant vigilance. Soldiers, for instance, can harass girls walking to school and even enter their classrooms and arrest their teachers.
VI. Conclusion
The real issue is not what Hamas did on 7 October 2023, but what the source of the violence is. Millions of Palestinians have been oppressed for years, and they are fighting with whatever means they have. This will go on unless we ask why violence erupted in the first place. This is a massive plan of killing and ethnic cleansing. The pretext of Israel is to take revenge for what Hamas did on 7 October and to create a new reality for the Palestinians, i.e., a new Nakba, and a horrifying chapter for the ongoing Nakba the Palestinians are suffering. During the on-going bombing of Gaza, the Israel troops are also attacking aggressively into the West Bank to carry out Nakba in the Occupied Palestinian Territory. Tanks have been moved into Palestinian towns such as Jenin, intimidating the Palestinian population to encourage them to give up the possibility of building a peaceful life in the West Bank.
Israel’s indiscriminate bombing of Gaza has continued for more than eight weeks now, including hospitals, ambulances, schools, university, and water cleaning facilities, indicating that Israel wants to destroy infrastructure.
The study has found that Israel’s aggression on the occupied territories shows how the colonisers ignore all human norms and increase terror with the hope that the colonial people will end their resistance against occupation. I am confident that the Israeli colonisers will be forced to end their occupation and the Palestinian people will be victorious to achieve freedom, peace, and sovereignty, where all people can live in peace, harmony, and prosperity, irrespective of their faiths. History has proved that the occupiers were wrong and that their brutal military force to intimidate the people will fail. The same military terror was adopted by colonisers in India, Indonesia, Vietnam, Algeria, South Africa, Afghanistan, Iraq, and many more. But, in the end, they were forced to end their occupation. Palestine is a tragedy for all the Global South and shows the brutality of imperialism and colonialism imposed by the North (Siddiqui, 2018).
The African National Congress in South Africa struggled for equal political rights for all its inhabitants, irrespective of their colour, when the white racist minority government wanted to segregate black people into Bantustans that would be declared “sovereign states”, but Nelson Mandela firmly rejected it. Mandela served 27 years in jail and Western countries described him then as a terrorist. Now we all know that it is completely wrong and incorrect to describe his struggle for freedom and equal political and civil rights for all who live in South Africa as terrorists.
The Palestinian civil society began campaigning to Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) against Israel in 2005 and it has gained strength globally. It is argued that Israel has created an apartheid state that needs to be dismantled, which requires international support in favour of building equal rights for all its citizens.
Arab leaders have sold out to the US in terms of security, finance, and economy and seek Western support for their survival and the stability of their regimes. The rich Arab countries deposit their money and invest in property in the West. At present, the US has 27 military bases in Arab countries and these countries cannot afford to kick the US military bases out and take action in support of the Palestinian struggle for sovereignty and self-determination.
Dr. Kalim Siddiqui is an economist specialising in International Political Economy, Development Economics, International Trade, and International Economics. His work, which combines elements of international political economy and development economics, economic policy, economic history and international trade, often challenges prevailing orthodoxy about which policies promote overall development in less-developed countries. Kalim teaches international economics at the Department of Accounting, Finance and Economics, University of Huddersfield, UK. He has taught economics since 1989 at various universities in Norway and the UK.
Khalidi, R. (2013) Brokers of Deceit: How the US Has Undermined Peace in the Middle East, Boston: Beacon Press.
Khalidi, R. (2021) The Hundred Years’ War on Palestine: A History of Settler Colonial Conquest and Resistance, 1917-2017, New York: Metropolitan Books.
Mearsheimer, J. and Walt, S. (2007) The Israel Lobby and U.S. Foreign Policy. New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux.
Pappé, I. (2006) The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, Oxford: Oneworld Publications.
Pappé, I. (2017) Ten Myths about Israel, New York: Verso Books.
Said, E. (1980) The Question of Palestine, Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Said, E. (2007) The End of the Peace Process: Oslo and After, New York: Vintage Book.
Siddiqui, K. (2018) “Imperialism and Global Inequality: A Critical Analysis”, Journal of Economics and Political Economy, 5(2): 266-91.
Siddiqui, K. (2019) “Challenges and Importance of Institutions in the Developing Countries”, World Financial Review, May-June, 56-65.
Siddiqui, K. (2020a) “Can Global Imbalances Continue? The State of the United States Economy”, Argumenta Oeconomica Cracoviensia, 23(2): 11-32.
Siddiqui, K. (2020b) “Prospects of a Multipolar World and the Role of Emerging Economies” World Financial Review, November-December, p.65 – 77.
Siddiqui, K. (2021) “The Study of International Political Economy”, World Financial Review, July-August, 46-56.
Siddiqui, K. (2022a) “British Imperialism, Religion, and the Politics of ‘Divide and Rule’ in the Indian-Subcontinent”, World Financial Review, January-February, 89-109.
Siddiqui, K. (2022b) “Capitalism, Imperialism, and Crisis”, European Financial Review, June-July, 16-32.
Siddiqui, K. (2023) “The New Cold War: Struggle for Global Domination” (parts 1 and 2), World Financial Review, July-August, 6-17.
Siddiqui, K. (2024) “Neocolonialism: An analysis of international factors on the development of the Global South”, World Financial Review, December-January, 2-11.
The Financial Times (2023) “How the loss of entire families is ravaging the social fabric of Gaza”, 13 December, London.
The Guardian (2023) “The war in Gaza has been an intense lesson in western hypocrisy”, 27 November, London.
By Terence Tse
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